Connect with us

Opinion

Saudi Arabia-Iran normalisation in its first year: Now it’s time to take stock

Avatar photo

Published

on

The dispute between Saudi Arabia and Iran, which reached its peak in 2016 with Riyadh’s execution of 47 people, including Shiite cleric Nimr al-Baqir Nimr, was resolved a year ago in a deal hosted by China. The past year provides ample data to evaluate the emerging situation in the context of bilateral relations, regional and global order.

Efforts to normalize relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran began in March 2021. The fifth and final round of talks, which Oman also participated in, occurred on 23 April 2022 in the Iraqi capital, Baghdad. Officials from the intelligence and security units of both countries attended the talks. Contacts were expected to move to the foreign affairs level following the talks. However, the process was slowed down due to the change of prime minister in Iraq. Mohammed al-Shiya Sudani, who replaced former Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi, did not demonstrate sufficient interest in the negotiation processes.

The location of the host China: Sometimes it’s good to be away

As per Iranian journalist Seyed Azami, it has been suggested that the Saudi leadership took the initiative to resolve the situation and requested mediation from Chinese President Xi Jinping, who visited the country in December 2022. The fact that this was Xi’s third visit to the country after 2016 and 2018, and his speech in Saudi Arabia, may lend credibility to this claim. During the first China-Arab States Summit in Riyadh, Xi Jinping encouraged regional actors to participate in the Global Security Initiative announced by Beijing and outlined the principles that should underpin a new security architecture. After Xi’s visit to Saudi Arabia, Iranian President Ibrahim Reisi’s visit to China in February 2023 indicated that the dialogue between Riyadh and Tehran would continue in the Chinese capital.

China is the largest trading partner of both Saudi Arabia and Iran, and its strategic partnership with both countries clearly has an influence on both sides. However, resolving a dispute with a historical background and complex dimensions can be challenging. When asked about this issue, Li Shaoxian, President of the China-Arab Countries Research Institute, suggested that sometimes distance can be beneficial.

Li Shaoxian used the metaphor of distance to illustrate that Beijing’s foreign policy is not burdened by issues such as occupation or plunder in the region, unlike the United States. He also emphasized that China’s status as a global economic power and a member of the UNSC fosters trust. However, he acknowledged that it may not be possible to engage in peace talks with countries that are unwilling to do so.

The shared imperatives that led to cooperation between Riyadh and Tehran

Since mid-2021, Iran and Saudi Arabia have expressed their desire for peace through their initiatives and statements. The reasons behind these two countries seeking peace are closely related to their respective situations and priorities.

One of the most significant reasons for Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy shift is its relationship with the US. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman may have concerns about the potential change of power in the US, given the current state of relations between the two countries. However, it is worth noting that both Democratic and Republican administrations have prioritized the Asia-Pacific region in their National Security Documents. It is worth noting that Riyadh currently lacks an interlocutor who can provide satisfactory security guarantees. This is a situation that has been highlighted by the recent experience of the US withdrawal from Afghanistan, as well as the withdrawal of support for Saudi forces against the Houthis in Yemen. In addition to the US, the United Arab Emirates has announced its withdrawal from the coalition in the Yemeni arena. Egypt has shown indifference when asked to train pilots, and Sudan, another member of the mission, is currently facing internal turmoil. These developments have reinforced the need for Riyadh to establish a new security paradigm.

The new chapter Saudi Arabia wanted to open is also in line with the country’s economic orientation. As per the Vision 2030 model, the government of Riyadh has planned to transition away from oil dependence and establish itself as a sustainable economic, trade, technology, and tourism hub. Despite the drone attacks by the Houthis in 2019, it is evident that Crown Prince Salman’s vision of a ‘hub country’ will not be deterred.

Iran, on the other hand, faces both an opportunity and a challenge due to the diverging priorities of the US and the rivalry between the Gulf states. The ongoing Gulf-Israel normalization, which began with the Abraham Accords under former US President Donald Trump and has continued under current President Joe Biden, is now approaching its final stage. In other words, Washington was prioritizing the Middle East in a way that was not conducive to progress, while entrusting it to a bloc that was likely to become more radical in its opposition to Iran. Following the UAE and Bahrain, President Biden aimed to normalize relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel. To achieve this goal, he met with Mohammed bin Salman, despite previously referring to him as a ‘pariah’ after the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi. Given the recent pause in relations between Turkey and Israel, which ceased on 7 October, there may be cause for concern in Tehran.

Iran faced a challenge and an opportunity due to the diverging priorities of the US and the rivalry between Gulf states. The Gulf-Israel normalisation, which began with the Abraham Accords under former US President Donald Trump and continued under current President Joe Biden, is now in its final stretch. Washington was prioritising other regions over the Middle East, but still entrusted it to a bloc that was likely to become more radical in its opposition to Iran. Following the UAE and Bahrain, Biden aimed to normalise relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel. He did not hesitate to meet with Mohammed bin Salman, despite previously describing him as a ‘pariah’ after the murder of journalist Jamal Khashoggi. Alarm bells were ringing for Tehran due to the halt in the détente between Turkey and Israel on 7 October.

Agreements and commitments that made

Saudi Arabia and Iran opened their embassies and committed to returning to the 2001 security cooperation agreement on 10 March 2023. Iran opened its embassy in Saudi Arabia in August, and Saudi Arabia resumed its diplomatic activities, which it had suspended in 2016. In September 2023, both countries’ ambassadors were present at their posts.

The normalization between Saudi Arabia and Iran was a list of what to do and what not to do. Although not explicitly stated in the official agreement, multiple sources confirm that the parties agreed not to interfere in each other’s internal affairs and to refrain from supporting the opposition. Media reports suggest that Riyadh has requested Iran’s assistance in influencing the Houthis. However, Tehran has made it clear that the cessation of support for the Saudi-funded opposition Iran International channel and the Jaysh al-Adl organisation is a red line. These issues were reportedly discussed during a meeting between Iranian Chief of Staff Mohammad Hossein Bagheri and Saudi Arabia’s Defence Minister Khalid bin Salman al Saud.

Saudi-Iranian normalisation in the context of contribution to the Palestinian struggle

The will between Saudi Arabia and Iran has brought about a détente across the region due to their broad spheres of influence. The conflict in Yemen has slowed down, and the search for a political solution has gained momentum. Syrian President Bashar al-Assad has returned to the ‘family’ as the legitimate representative of his country, speaking at the Arab League summit after 12 years.

The meeting of the parties was once thought impossible. It made a modest contribution to the Palestinian struggle. On 7 October, after the start of the Israeli massacres, the leaders of Saudi Arabia and Iran had a 45-minute private telephone conversation about Palestine. They emphasized the need for the Islamic world to stand united. After their conversation, Iranian President Ibrahim Reisi travelled to Riyadh on 11 November to attend the Arab League and Organisation of Islamic Cooperation Summit on Palestine. While at the summit, Reisi met with Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman to discuss regional cooperation and their joint contribution to the Palestinian cause.

The meeting between Reisi and Salman at the leaders’ level resulted in Saudi Arabia making the normalization process with Israel conditional on a two-state solution. The Riyadh administration now stipulates the establishment of a Palestinian state as a precondition for diplomatic relations with Israel. US efforts to bring Saudi Arabia to the table on the grounds of the ‘Iranian threat’ failed. The Saudi refusal to participate in the US- and UK-led anti-Houthi operations should also be considered in this context.

Additionally, it would not be surprising if the Iranian-Saudi peace agreement leads to further détente across the region. During the inter-session breaks of the summit on Palestine, there were contacts between Iran, Sudan and Egypt. Reisi and the head of the Sudanese Sovereignty Council, Abdel Fattah al-Bukhran, expressed their readiness to reopen embassies. It was announced that the two countries would assign relevant ministers for normalization after the meeting with Egyptian leader Sisi.

Winners at the global level

While the biggest winner of the normalisation between Saudi Arabia and Iran, which has been dubbed as the New Cold War of the Middle East, has been all regional states except Israel, at the global level, it has been China, which wants to turn the economic superiority it has gained for a while into diplomacy. With the agreement, the Global Security Initiative put forward by Chinese leader Xi proved its worth on the Saudi-Iranian line, and Beijing came one step closer to its claim of being the “responsible power of international relations”. In short, China responded to its adversaries who wanted to encircle it in Asia by waving from the Middle East.

Furthermore, China’s inclusion of the oil-rich countries of the region, including Iran and Saudi Arabia, into BRICS, of which China itself is the pillar, has been recorded as a rising moment in the multipolar world. Thanks to BRICS, which has surpassed the G7 in terms of purchasing parity and is working on alternative payment systems against the dollar hegemony, the countries of the region do not have to put their eggs in one outdated basket, nor do they have to be trapped in eternal enmity or destructive competition.

Opinion

Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

Avatar photo

Published

on

The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

Continue Reading

Opinion

What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

Avatar photo

Published

on

By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

Continue Reading

Opinion

The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

Avatar photo

Published

on

In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

Continue Reading

MOST READ

Turkey