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Ways to stay in power

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General, man is very useful

He can fly and he can kill

But he has one defect: He can think.

(Brecht)

A people on the brink of extinction

An online database called UALosses purportedly tracks Ukrainian casualties based on official Kiev declarations. According to this site, as of January 29th, the total confirmed deaths for the Kiev regime are 68,437. While the overall figure is likely inflated, the age breakdown of the reported deaths is noteworthy. The data indicates the following distribution: 10.2% in the 17-24 age group, 14% in the 25-29 age group, 15% in the 30-34 age group, 17% in the 35-39 age group, 16% in the 40-44 age group, 15% in the 45-49 age group, and 9% in the 50-54 age group. Although the total casualty numbers are questionable, these proportions likely offer a reasonable reflection of the age distribution of losses.

This age distribution suggests a significant depletion of the nation’s most dynamic human capital.

Recently, The Economist, following a trend of estimating the actual casualty figures in the conflict, compiled data from US leaks and official statements. In August 2022, Pentagon leaks suggested total casualties (dead and wounded) of 125,000-131,000. Shortly after, the White House claimed the death toll was under 10,000. By February 2023, the Pentagon estimated 70,000 deaths, while the White House put total casualties (dead and wounded) at 180,000-190,000. After a period of silence from US sources, by autumn of last year, total casualty estimates (dead and wounded) reached 308,000 and then 480,000. The Economist, citing “intelligence officials,” reported up to 100,000 deaths. (Subsequently, the former comedian president of the regime stated the death toll at 31,000.) A financial publication, in a detached manner, proposed different figures: “The proportion of those too seriously wounded to continue fighting is even higher: if one assumes that for every one Ukrainian soldier killed in action, six to eight Ukrainian soldiers are seriously wounded, then one in 20 men of fighting age must have died or been too seriously wounded to continue fighting.”

Let us examine this last estimate more closely. While concrete data is lacking, reasonable assumptions can lead to certain conclusions.

In a previous analysis discussing a potential armistice, I noted, “the Ukrainian population has fallen from around 40 million at the beginning of 2022 to 29 million by mid-2024 according to the best estimates,” and further, “according to Kiev’s own data, 3.2 million people left the country during the year.”

Alexander Dubinsky, a former parliamentarian from the comedian president’s party, arrested for “treason” in late 2023, posted on his Telegram channel last week (Dubinsky, though technically under arrest, appears to be active online based on his frequent updates):

‘If the coefficient of grain consumption (6 million tonnes in 2024) is used to assess the number of the remaining population, the Ukrainian population can be estimated at 21-24 million.’

However, according to official Kiev data, the population by mid-2024 is 35.8 million.

Instead of focusing on the exact number of deaths, let us assume a remaining population of 22 million for calculation purposes. Besides those killed in combat, it’s likely that men constitute the majority of those who have emigrated. Based on this, let’s make an optimistic assumption that 40% of the remaining population is male. Furthermore, for another optimistic estimate, let’s assume the child population is 25%, which is slightly lower than typically seen in population structures (e.g., Turkey’s population pyramid). While we assume an even gender split among children, it’s plausible that more boys have been evacuated. In short, even with these overly optimistic conditions, the adult male population is estimated to be around 7 million.

If, as US leaks from last autumn indicated, the Kiev regime’s casualties total 480,000, this would represent approximately 7% of the adult male population in our optimistic calculation. The Economist’s estimate seems reasonably based, albeit slightly inflated, assuming actual losses are around 500,000. However, if losses approach 1 million, as Russia claimed late last month (General Staff Chief Gerasimov stated on December 18th that total regime losses were 977,000, with 365,000 irreversible), this percentage would double.

In any case, between 7% and 14% of Ukraine’s remaining adult male population have perished on the battlefield or sustained injuries preventing their return to combat.

This situation constitutes a demographic crisis of unprecedented scale.[1]

Ways to stay in power

Sociology offers several approaches to understanding war fatigue. The central aim is to identify a metric that quantifies public dissatisfaction with prolonged conflict. While employing mathematical constants to explain social dynamics is common in sociology, it is not necessarily unhelpful even from a historical perspective. One such approach can be summarized as follows: if, in a country losing war initiative, the sum of (a) the percentage of the population directly or indirectly involved in the war and (b) the percentage of total casualties within that group exceeds 100%, socio-political upheaval is likely. Ranges below this threshold suggest varying probabilities: 80-100% indicates a high likelihood, 60-80% an average likelihood, and below 60% a low likelihood of such upheaval. In Napoléon’s France in 1814, Russia in July 1917, and Imperial Germany in September 1918, this rate surpassed 100%. In Hitler’s Germany in 1945, it exceeded 400%. If we take Ukraine’s current population at 22 million, casualties (dead, seriously or slightly wounded, deserters) at 1 million, and those directly or indirectly participating in military actions for the Kiev regime at 1.5 million, Ukraine’s war fatigue rate would approximate 75%. In 2022, it was around 30%, and in 2023, around 35%.

The precision of such a mathematical approach in historical analysis is debatable, yet the current situation in Ukraine is demonstrably severe, making precise numerical ratios less critical.

The current situation is as follows:

According to the Russian Ministry of Defence, the Kiev regime’s losses in the third quarter of last year in the Kursk direction alone exceeded 40,000. However, official reports from 8 out of 20 regions (oblasts) and 1 special region (Kiev city) still under regime control, representing approximately one-third of Ukraine’s remaining population, indicate the following death tolls for the same period: Vinnitsa 986, Zhytomyr 727, Cherkasy 633, Kiev Oblast 1185, Poltava 809, Kirovohrad 580, Chernigov 632, Sumy 736.

It is evident that the Kiev regime has exerted considerable effort to conceal its losses. While concealing losses might have been simpler through data manipulation in the past, perhaps until the early 2000s, it is considerably more difficult today. The increasing number of families losing contact with relatives at the front makes the actual scale of losses more apparent. Consequently, more sophisticated concealment methods are necessary. The primary tactic employed by the regime is to reclassify the deceased as “missing in action,” thereby excluding them from official death statistics.

A significant threat to the Kiev regime’s stability is internal power struggles. The situation is somewhat reminiscent of Vietnam in the early 1960s: Ngô Đình Diệm, while still in power, was losing US support, foreshadowing his eventual overthrow in a CIA-backed coup and assassination. History, as Marx famously quipped, does not repeat itself identically. As Marx noted, referencing Hegel’s observation, “Hegel points out in one place that great historical events and persons of world-wide significance occur, so to speak, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as a great tragedy, the second time as a farce.” While the leader of the Kiev regime may be viewed critically, power provides a survival instinct, enabling them to perceive threats. Moreover, unlike Ngô Đình Diệm who relied solely on the US, this regime benefits from the backing of “The City.”

Regardless of potential corruption within the current Kiev regime, it is unlikely they could maintain power through elections. To survive, they must remain in power, and the only way to achieve this is to prolong the conflict. Without the ongoing war, the regime would lack justification for its authoritarian actions, including the suspension of elections.

However, continuing the conflict necessitates further casualties. In a nation experiencing a rapid population decline from 42 million to 22 million in three years, a shrinking pool of potential recruits, and escalating war fatigue alongside growing social unrest, sustaining the war becomes increasingly challenging, even with continued external support in arms, ammunition, and funding. Ultimately, war depends on people, not just materiel and money.

The outcomes of potential ceasefire and armistice negotiations remain crucial (and as I have argued previously, the Kiev regime’s influence is waning, with an armistice primarily offering the West a temporary respite to prepare for a larger conflict). However, even the prospect of negotiations will likely amplify the desire among mobilized Ukrainian citizens to avoid combat and survive. Similarly, the increased possibility of negotiations will diminish the willingness of military personnel to risk their lives for the regime’s objectives.

The regime’s only path to survival is to continue fighting, yet their capacity to do so is diminishing. While the idea of the “last Ukrainian” may be an exaggeration, war fatigue is intensifying and could soon evolve into widespread anger. The fundamental limitation of money, weapons, and ammunition is that people do not want to die.

Dictatorial regimes often resolve seemingly intractable problems through provocation. When faced with overwhelming opposition, a staged provocation can escalate the conflict, potentially securing the regime’s indefinite hold on power.

I began with Brecht, and I conclude with Nazım Hikmet:

“It is like no fear

The fear of those who sell their people.”

[1] In December, Nikita Vasylenko, a professor at Kiev National University, proposed a controversial solution to the demographic issue. This individual suggested that Western peacekeepers could address the population problem, reasoning that “hungry Ukrainians” would find them appealing: “At least 40,000 men with money in their pockets. … And hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian women whose husbands were killed or maimed in the war.” Vasilenko was subsequently dismissed by the university ethics committee but faced no criminal charges. It is plausible that his remarks reflect the underlying sentiments within Ukraine’s ruling elite.

Opinion

Macroeconomic consequences of asymmetric UAV attacks in Russia

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Today, the nature of asymmetric threats is undergoing a profound transformation, with their focus shifting increasingly toward economic centers. By mid-2026, the nature of asymmetric warfare within the borders of the Russian Federation entered a qualitatively new and critical phase.

An analysis of the Ukrainian unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) strikes carried out in July 2026 reveals a deliberate shift in targeting. Moving beyond military installations and fuel-energy infrastructure, these attacks directly targeted civilian logistics networks and critical nodes of the macroeconomic infrastructure.

The primary objective of this strategic shift is to deplete the country’s internal resources, induce insurmountable disruptions in supply chains, and exert intense psychological pressure on the civilian population.

Large-scale, coordinated strikes on the distribution centers of Wildberries—Russia’s largest e-commerce platform and part of the RVB joint venture (formed by the 2024 merger of Wildberries and Russ)—became the symbol of this new phase of home-front vulnerability. The geographic scope of these attacks, spanning an unprecedented area from the Northwestern Federal District to Southern Russia and Crimea, exposed critical gaps in national industrial risk insurance mechanisms. Furthermore, this situation sparked severe legal disputes between platform economy giants and small businesses, compelling immediate intervention from both corporate executives and senior state officials.

Tracing the multi-layered consequences of the kinetic impacts resulting from these July attacks on the state’s digital and physical economy will shape the new architecture of civilian sector security.

The zenith of the logistical terror waged by Ukraine was recorded on the night of July 24, 2026, marking the most technically complex UAV attack inflicted on Russian Federation territory since the beginning of the year. According to data from the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, domestic air defense systems detected and destroyed 571 fixed-wing Ukrainian UAVs that night.

Two points have become exceptionally critical here: saturating radar fields and the military “swarm” effect. In short, this event is the clearest indication that the enemy has transitioned to a tactic of overwhelming radar systems. At the same time, the “swarm” effect generated across a vast geographic expanse aims to rapidly deplete the ammunition of anti-aircraft missile systems and expose air defense positions deep behind the front lines.

The breadth of the targeted geography attests to the unprecedented scale of the operation. UAVs were neutralized over the Belgorod, Bryansk, Kaluga, Kursk, Leningrad, Novgorod, Oryol, Pskov, Ryazan, Smolensk, Tver, Tula, and Vladimir regions, as well as over Moscow, Krasnodar, the Republic of Crimea, and the waters of the Azov and Black Seas.

Such a dense dispersion of targets across a vast territory points to an attempt to paralyze transportation and logistics arteries within Russia’s European landmass.

In parallel with the mass deployment of UAVs, missile strikes were also conducted against civilian industrial enterprises. During the same period, a missile attack on a local enterprise in the Fileyka district of Kirov resulted in outright catastrophe, leaving 6 people dead and 32 employees injured with varying degrees of severity.

Following the incident, Regional Governor Aleksandr Sokolov stated that the situation required not only the evacuation of the wounded, but also large-scale interventions such as restoring water and power supplies and auditing the security of neighboring settlements. This combined approach—employing inexpensive kamikaze drones to degrade air defenses followed immediately by missile strikes on unprotected industrial zones—presents an entirely new threat paradigm for the civilian economy.

Systematic and sequential attacks directed at the facilities of a single commercial entity completely eliminate the possibility of coincidence. The strategic, macroeconomic, and psychological factors turning civilian commercial warehouses into critical vulnerabilities for an entire state rest upon four pillars:

  1. Role as the central circulatory system of domestic trade: Wildberries plays a critical role in the architecture of the modern Russian economy, connecting millions of consumers with tens of thousands of SMEs. Damage to distribution centers severe supply chains, triggering localized shortages of essential consumer goods and regional inflationary spikes. The primary goal is to destabilize the domestic market and create an artificial supply vacuum.
  2. Immense facility footprints and defense complexity: Spanning hundreds of thousands of square meters across the nation, these hangars constitute massive targets with high radar contrast. Unlike military bases, these commercial warehouses cannot possess their own air defense systems; placing every such facility under an air defense umbrella is physically impossible without compromising frontline systems.
  3. Social and psychological impact: In the eyes of the public, logistics centers symbolize daily economic stability. Black plumes of smoke visible from miles away, massive fires, and civilian casualties represent a hybrid terror tactic designed to transport an atmosphere of fear deep into peaceful cities and shake the internal socio-political climate.
  4. Magnified radius of economic impact: Inventory consumed by flames in these warehouses generally consists of stock purchased by merchants on credit. The destruction of commodity inventories holds the potential to cause mass vendor bankruptcies, bank loan defaults, and cascading layoffs across small businesses.

The events of July 2026 mark an irreversible shift in the threat landscape facing Russian commerce and macroeconomics. Attacks directed at Wildberries hubs in regions such as St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Tambov exposed the utter vulnerability of civilian logistics infrastructure.

Deploying relatively inexpensive unmanned aerial vehicles, the enemy is capable of inflicting tens of billions of rubles in direct damage, paralyzing the supply of essential goods, and triggering an acute social crisis in which hundreds of thousands of entrepreneurs face the threat of bankruptcy. According to Russian experts, the total cost of a single fire—similar to the Kotovsk incident on July 18—can range between 50 and 100 billion Rubles ($630 million – $1.2 billion USD).

Despite its massive capital reserves, corporate business was caught unprepared for military threats. The medium-term survival of the e-commerce economy depends on the state and the private sector uniting to engineer unprecedented systemic solutions. Establishing compensation funds and introducing mandatory risk-distribution mechanisms are critical steps that must be taken.

Logistics hubs will remain open targets unless a “state program for subsidized reinsurance of military risks” is established for the critical nodes of the civilian economy. In the future, it will not suffice for large enterprises merely to pour capital into the physical protection of infrastructure; they must also deeply decentralize their logistics networks to prevent the concentration of goods and capital at single points of failure.

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Egypt Under Fire: What Does the Damietta Strike Mean for Global Energy Markets?

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Dr. Ahmed Moustafa, Director & Founder, Asia Center for Studies & Translation, Egypt

For the first time since successive waves of escalation between Washington and Tehran began in recent months, an Egyptian liquefied natural gas (LNG) export facility has become a direct target.

In the early hours of Wednesday, 29 July 2026, at least one drone struck the floating storage unit Energos Winter, owned and operated by a U.S. company and sailing under the Marshall Islands flag, while it was moored at the Mediterranean port of Damietta. The impact ignited a fire that spread to a neighboring LNG carrier, GasLog Salem. Egyptian authorities confirmed that the blaze was brought under control without any reported casualties, while no group had claimed responsibility for the attack at the time of writing.

A Broader Context That Cannot Be Ignored

The incident did not occur in a vacuum. It came only hours after the United States Central Command (CENTCOM) announced that it had conducted joint strikes with Saudi forces targeting armed factions in Iraq accused of launching drone attacks against Saudi oil facilities. Tehran responded by warning against a “miscalculation,” at a time when the Middle East is still grappling with the repercussions of an earlier round of escalation that erupted on 8 July, when U.S. forces carried out strikes inside Iranian territory following an attack on a commercial vessel in the Strait of Hormuz. Iran retaliated with attacks targeting U.S. military bases in Bahrain, Jordan, Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, and the Sultanate of Oman.

Against this tense backdrop, Damietta appears to represent yet another link in the chain of regional escalation—but an exceptional one. For decades, Egypt has sought to keep itself removed from direct military polarization in the region, unlike several Gulf states that have increasingly become arenas of open confrontation.

At the same time, this interpretation does not entirely rule out the possibility of an indirect Israeli role, driven by hostility toward Egypt’s growing diplomatic influence in the Palestinian and Gaza files. Cairo has remained committed to advancing the two-state solution and to implementing the second and third phases of the peace roadmap agreed upon following the Sharm El-Sheikh Peace Summit last October. The Israeli government, led by Benjamin Netanyahu, has sought to obstruct these efforts. Netanyahu, who is the subject of arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court, is widely accused of bearing responsibility for committing genocide that, according to Palestinian authorities, have resulted in the deaths of approximately 73,000 Palestinian civilians since 7 October 2023.

Why Egypt?

Over the past two years, Egypt has steadily strengthened its position as a regional hub for liquefying and re-exporting natural gas. This growing role has been supported by its two LNG plants at Idku and Damietta, in addition to a network of pipelines linking the country with Israel and Cyprus.

This infrastructure—unmatched elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean in terms of combined liquefaction capacity and direct access to European and global markets—has transformed Damietta and Idku into critical gateways for Eastern Mediterranean gas, including increasing volumes of Israeli/Stolen Palestinian natural gas liquefied and re-exported through Egyptian facilities.

According to local reports, the Energos Winter alone was supplying approximately 450 million cubic feet of gas per day to Egypt’s national grid and was preparing to receive four additional cargoes during August.

This expanding role gives any attack on Egypt’s gas infrastructure significance far beyond the immediate incident itself. It threatens not only Egypt’s domestic energy supplies but also a supply chain upon which Europe has increasingly relied as part of its strategy to diversify away from Russian natural gas.

Who Was Behind the Attack? Open Scenarios

At the time of writing, no organization had officially claimed responsibility, leaving several possible interpretations.

The first scenario cautions against prematurely attributing responsibility to Iran or its regional allies. It argues that the ambiguity surrounding the incident—and the absence of any claim of responsibility—may itself be deliberate, allowing whichever actor carried out the attack to undermine Egyptian stability without incurring immediate political costs.

This possibility includes actors competing over Eastern Mediterranean energy routes, as well as local or transnational groups pursuing agendas unrelated to the U.S.-Iran confrontation. Egyptian officials themselves have adopted a notably cautious approach. Egypt’s Minister of Information warned against “rushing to accuse any party,” while a former official suggested that “certain actors are seeking to drag Egypt into the conflict,” implying that the attack may have been designed precisely to draw Cairo into a confrontation it has consistently sought to avoid.

A second scenario, Israeli Involvement or the Involvement of Israel’s Allies

This, in itself, remains a serious hypothesis that is reportedly being discussed in undisclosed investigative circles. The prevailing analyses, supported by pro-Israeli and pro-American narratives, have largely centered on suspicions directed at Iran or Iran-aligned actors within the context of the ongoing conflict, rather than at Tel Aviv. This is partly because Israel maintains an energy partnership with Egypt, making any attack on an Egyptian export terminal potentially detrimental to its own natural gas interests.

Nevertheless, this hypothesis—like all others—must ultimately be assessed in light of the findings of the official investigations, which are still underway. It is worth recalling, however, that repeated warnings have been voiced regarding the visits of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Washington, as such visits have often been followed by heightened regional instability, as was argued after developments last December. According to this line of analysis, Netanyahu seeks to prolong the conflict with Iran in order to strengthen his domestic political position, secure his continuation in office, and advance Israel’s long-term strategic objective of neutralizing Iran and carrying out “Greater Israel.”

Within this framework, some analysts argue that there are broader efforts to weaken both Egypt and Türkey. They cite remarks attributed to a former Mossad operative during appearances on Israeli television, alleging that such a strategy would also serve to divert international attention away from the Gaza file and the question of Palestinian statehood—an issue on which Egypt has intensified its diplomatic efforts in recent days. According to this interpretation, creating indirect pressure on Egypt—the region’s most stable and secure state—could be viewed as a means of drawing Cairo into a wider regional confrontation.

A third scenario links the incident directly to the broader U.S.-Iran escalation. According to the article, The New York Times, citing two Iranian sources, reported that the attack may have been intended as a signal that global shipping and energy supplies could face deeper disruptions should Tehran or its allies choose to escalate further. The sources, however, did not identify the perpetrators or specify the launch point of the drone.

The Messages Behind the Attack

Regardless of who carried out the operation, the choice of target sends several important signals. An attack on what the article describes as the first American-owned energy asset on Egyptian soil would convey a message to Washington that not only its military installations in the Gulf, but also its economic footprint across the region, has become increasingly vulnerable.

For Egypt, which has consistently pursued a policy of strategic restraint and regional neutrality, the incident serves as a reminder that its geographic position—adjacent to some of the world’s most important energy and maritime corridors—no longer guarantees insulation from the conflicts unfolding around it.

For global markets, the attack suggests that the geographic scope of potential disruption is expanding beyond the Strait of Hormuz and the Arabian Gulf into the Eastern Mediterranean, increasing insurance premiums for shipping and critical energy infrastructure in a region long regarded as comparatively secure.

Egypt’s Official Response

The Egyptian government handled the incident with considerable caution and procedural professionalism, treating it primarily as a crisis-management operation rather than a political event.

The Cabinet confirmed that the fire had been caused by a drone attack without attributing responsibility to any specific party, emphasizing that investigations were continuing “to take all necessary measures to safeguard Egypt’s interests and national security.”

Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly described the response as a test of the state’s crisis-management capabilities, praising emergency teams for successfully moving the burning vessels away from the port, thereby preventing what could have become a far larger disaster.

President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi addressed the incident publicly for the first time during a telephone conversation with Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. During the call, he confirmed that the competent authorities were conducting a comprehensive investigation, warned of the dangers posed by the escalating regional situation, and stressed the importance of cooperation between Egypt and the international community to contain the crisis while adhering to peaceful solutions.

This measured diplomatic approach—avoiding direct accusations while emphasizing de-escalation—reflects Cairo’s determination not to be drawn into a broader regional confrontation despite having come under direct attack on its own territory.

Several Gulf states also expressed their full solidarity with Egypt and voiced support for its efforts to safeguard its national security and sovereignty.

The Impact on Global Energy Markets

The Damietta incident occurred at a time when global energy markets were already under considerable strain. Brent crude had been hovering around US$90 per barrel following the escalation of 8 July, while the European Title Transfer Facility (TTF) benchmark for natural gas had climbed above US$700 per 1,000 cubic meters for the first time since March.

Any additional disruption affecting an Egyptian LNG export terminal risks reinforcing this upward trend. Europe has increasingly relied on Egyptian liquefied natural gas as part of its broader strategy to diversify supplies away from Russian pipeline gas. Consequently, even a temporary interruption to Egypt’s export infrastructure could heighten market concerns over supply security.

The incident also adds to the geopolitical risk premium already factored into insurance costs for vessels operating in the Eastern Mediterranean. Higher perceived risks could translate into increased shipping and insurance costs for LNG carriers throughout the region, even if subsequent investigations conclude that the attack was an isolated event unlikely to be repeated.

What Should Be Done to Prevent Similar Incidents?

First, Egypt should further strengthen its short-range air defense capabilities and counter-drone systems around strategic energy installations along its Mediterranean coastline. This includes deploying advanced early-warning radar networks and cost-effective interception systems capable of neutralizing small unmanned aerial vehicles before they reach critical infrastructure.

Second, broader regional intelligence-sharing mechanisms should be expanded among Egypt and neighboring states—including Cyprus, Greece, and Türkiye—in recognition of the increasingly interconnected nature of Eastern Mediterranean gas infrastructure and the shared strategic importance of safeguarding regional energy corridors.

Third, given that the targeted floating storage unit is owned by a U.S. company, Washington should contribute to financing and modernizing the protection of such critical infrastructure rather than limiting its response to statements indicating that it is merely “monitoring the situation,” as the article characterizes the U.S. reaction.

Finally—and perhaps most importantly—reducing the broader cycle of regional escalation between Washington and Tehran remains the only sustainable guarantee against similar incidents in the future. Any purely technical or localized security measures can mitigate immediate risks but cannot eliminate them so long as the underlying geopolitical drivers of confrontation remain unresolved.

Conclusion

The Damietta incident serves as a stark reminder that geographic neutrality alone is no longer sufficient to shield a country that has become a pivotal node in the global energy network.

References:

1- https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c39ez3klwmro

2- https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/egypt-confirms-drone-caused-fire-two-gas-vessels-damietta-2026-07-30/

3- https://www.reuters.com/world/middle-east/drone-hits-gas-storage-tanker-egypts-mediterranean-port-2026-07-29/

4- https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/29/world/middleeast/ships-drone-strike-egypt.html

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Rising populist parties in Europe and liberalism

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Leon Trotsky, one of the foremost leaders of the October Revolution, defined fascism as the totalitarian organization of society by monopoly capital. Magnates of large-scale monopoly capital are acutely aware that their profits cannot be safeguarded in the absence of authoritarian political power. Thus, fascism finds its bedrock of support among capitalist forces, the grand bourgeoisie, monopoly capital circles, and major landowners. We are all too familiar with the calamities fascism wrought upon the world in the era preceding the Second World War.

The post–World War II era is often commemorated as the golden age of capitalism—a period characterized by robust growth rates and low unemployment. Real wages climbed, social rights expanded, demands for a welfare state remained vibrant, and the pursuit of a social state yielded tangible results. This era ultimately met its demise in the 1970s, undone by shifts in the regime of accumulation and structural economic crises.

Today, across Europe, political parties that could virtually be characterized as the direct successors to pre-WWII fascist movements are consolidating their electoral gains. Germany, France, and Italy serve as quintessential examples. These parties weaponize poverty, unemployment, and anti-foreigner, anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim, and anti-Middle Eastern sentiments, while capitalizing on the incompetence of traditional center-right and center-left parties and taking a deeply Eurosceptic, critical stance toward the European Union. They employ caustic rhetoric against the political elites who have dominated governance for decades. Receiving endorsement from both US President Trump and Russian leader Putin, they draw substantial support simultaneously from working-class constituencies—traditionally the bedrock of the left—and from grand capital circles. While monopoly capital quietly pats these populist movements on the back, it simultaneously winks at liberal-democratic and increasingly indistinguishable social-democratic parties that champion unbridled capitalism and aggressive liberalism. Beyond France and Germany, examples abound from Italy to the United Kingdom…

The interests of grand capital, which back populist regimes and advocate authoritarian governance, also champion localization. For the erosion of the national, the public, and the collective—alongside the attenuation of the central state and the elevation of the local—works decisively to the advantage of big capital.

Why?

Because of this:

Under liberalism, the state does not regulate the market; rather, the market regulates, directs, and subdues both the state and society. In a liberal order, the state is expected to act on behalf of capital and in favor of the market—intervening in politics, society, and the law, and enacting statutory frameworks strictly to this end. The state is tasked with engineering legal and institutional arrangements for the market’s account and benefit. Society is reduced to a market-society, wherein the citizen is reimagined as a consumer, a client, and an entrepreneur. Since competition is elevated as the supreme imperative, citizens themselves must become entrepreneurial and competitive—a posture the state actively promotes and incentivizes.

According to liberals, the state bears no obligation to shield its citizens from the pitiless mechanics of the market or the ferocity of unchecked capitalism. On the contrary, the state demands and encourages that citizens establish themselves as entrepreneurial actors within the market arena. Consequently, the state aligns itself with capital, operating at its beck and call. Hence, liberalism harbors an innate preference for unorganized, non-unionized, cheap labor. Wages are suppressed; agricultural subsidies are gutted to a minimum; and strikes are banned on the flimsiest of pretexts.

Because liberalism insists that the state be sculpted, organized, and driven according to market demands—allowing the market to command and direct the state—the liberal vision of the nexus between politics and economics, as well as politics and law, is deeply fractured. In their worldview, law must operate exclusively to the advantage of capital, acting as the vigilant sentinel for the inviolability of property rights. It must dismantle every obstacle standing in the way of free trade, unbridled competition, and the free market, while swiftly and severely penalizing any force that dares to impede them. To conform to the expectations and demands of capital: this is the primary imperative required of the law.

In sum, through its championing of identity politics, its reduction of the citizen to a mere client, and its liquidation of the state’s social character in order to place public power at the disposal of capital, liberalism stands fundamentally opposed to the social, the public, and the national. This is a truth that must be firmly impressed upon left-liberals, nationalist-liberals, and conservative-liberals alike.

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