Opinion
What are the structural problems in EU-Türkiye relations?
In recent days, the remarks regarding Türkiye made by European Union (EU) officials—most recently by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen—have provoked a sharp backlash within our country. Those voicing their reaction have spoken of Türkiye’s significance, the EU’s dependence on Türkiye, and the conviction that Türkiye will persevere even without the EU. Yet, the question remains: has Türkiye taken the necessary steps in response to these remarks, is it doing so now, or will it do so in the future? The answer is no. This is precisely what the EU relies upon most. Despite the far more severe rhetoric directed at Türkiye to date, has the fact that Türkiye has taken no action beyond mere verbal declarations—failing to offer any substantive response—rendered EU officials more audacious, or even insolent? Indeed, it has.
It is, therefore, prudent to examine the structural problems inherent in Türkiye-EU relations.
This is because Türkiye-EU relations are not merely about the bilateral ties between two entities; they represent something far more profound. The EU is an active participant in the internal contradictions and power struggles within Türkiye. Consequently, the struggle between those who seek to leverage European support (large capital circles, pseudo-republicans, separatist Kurds, and merchants of faith) and those who oppose this constitutes a fundamental dimension of Türkiye-EU relations. In short, the EU is a partisan actor in Türkiye’s domestic politics. It sides with political Islamists, ethnic separatists, liberals, pseudo-republicans, and sectarianists. These groups, emboldened by EU support, have sought—and continue to seek—to marginalize the Nationalists, Kemalists, patriots, republicans, and those leftists and revolutionaries whose roots are firmly planted in Anatolian soil. Türkiye witnessed this clearly during the Ergenekon, Balyoz, and Oda TV trials. While the EU championed the FETÖ terrorist organization just as it did the PKK, it failed to issue even the slightest statement in support of the commanders, journalists, authors, and scientists held captive in Silivri at that time. On the contrary, it endorsed that very lawlessness. Today, the EU remains the primary sanctuary and supporter for members of both the PKK and FETÖ.
Who does the EU support in Türkiye?
The European Union interferes in Türkiye’s internal affairs and consistently aligns itself with the opposing party in bilateral and multilateral disputes. It does so under various pretexts: sometimes invoking harmonization laws, the UN Twin Covenants, or the “Kurdish issue”; at other times through the invention of “minorities” not recognized by the Treaty of Lausanne, or by attempting to frame our Alevi citizens as an extra-Islamic minority; and further through issues such as the Ecumenical Patriarchate, so-called genocide allegations, Cyprus, the Aegean islands, the Annan Plan, or the rhetoric of democracy and freedoms.
While ethnic separatists, sectarianists, religious exploiters, pseudo-republicans, liberals, and “liberal-leftists” (whatever that may mean) in Türkiye have effectively utilized the EU for their own ends, the EU has utilized them even more productively. Through these channels, the EU has leveled hundreds of demands detrimental to Türkiye’s independence, integrity, sovereignty, and political unity. In the TRNC (Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus), the EU has engaged in all manner of activities directed against the founding president and national hero, Rauf Denktaş, seeking to liquidate Türkiye’s presence on the island. EU officials such as Karen Fogg and Günter Verheugen drew immense ire with their remarks against Atatürk and Kemalism, as well as their statements targeting the Turkish nation, state, and history. They have persistently attempted to define citizens of the Alevi faith as a minority, just as they have done with citizens of Kurdish origin. They have provided overt support to the PKK terrorist organization.
Certain circles of large-scale capital in Türkiye have also instrumentalized the EU to strengthen their domestic standing. They have issued statements calculated to please the EU and commissioned the types of reports the Union favors. The objective here is to leave our country defenseless and fully open to the service of Western capitalism. Alongside these capital circles, several trade unions—including those claiming to be revolutionary or identifying as “on the left”—have accepted EU funding. They have engaged in vapid rhetoric about “building a Europe of Labor.”
For all these circles, the EU has functioned as a protective umbrella. Under this aegis—provided by the US and its subordinate partner, the EU—large capital, religious exploiters, ethnicists, the PKK, pseudo-republicans, and neo-liberals acted in concert to sever Northern Iraq from the mainland and establish a puppet Kurdish state. In essence, domestic power centers have utilized the prospect of EU membership—which is, in reality, impossible—as a lever against Türkiye itself.
For whom does the West desire democracy?
One must recognize this reality: the imperialist West does not desire for the rest of the world what it claims for itself. It speaks of democracy, but it practices it only for its own benefit. In the rest of the world, it supports anti-democratic regimes to further its own interests. The West is democratic unto itself; externally, it is colonialist, expansionist, predatory, racist, a staunch supporter of authoritarian regimes, and imperialist. History is replete with countless examples of this.
As Türkiye is being transformed toward federalism through the hands of feudalism, the West has supported and continues to support this process in the name of democracy, freedom, human rights, and civil society. Pro-US and pro-EU advocates have repeatedly told the Turkish nation: “This is what the EU demands; there is no other option.” In truth, however, the EU is opposed to the Treaty of Lausanne and harbors a longing for the Treaty of Sèvres.
There is more.
In foreign policy, relationships are reciprocal; they are grounded in mutual interest and a search for equilibrium. This is absent in Türkiye-EU relations. The EU is perpetually the receiving party, while Türkiye is perpetually the giver.
The US and the EU have always found partners within Türkiye. It matters little to them whether it is ANAP, DYP, SHP, CHP, or the AKP. Nor does it matter whether the figure is Kemal Derviş, Ali Babacan, or Mehmet Şimşek. Whether they are center-right, social democrat, nationalist, or conservative is irrelevant. Brussels focuses solely on what it can extract from Ankara and to what extent. It takes what it requires without regard for the political history, ideology, or economic policy preferences of those who grant the concessions. For this reason, the EU abandoned the ANAP leader—who famously claimed “The path to the EU passes through Diyarbakır”—in an instant, choosing instead to walk the path with the AKP leadership. This leadership, promising to be “one step ahead of everyone on the EU road,” supported the Annan Plan in the TRNC and publicly rebuked a national hero, Rauf Denktaş, telling him to “go and speak in his own parliament and stop blocking the solution.”
The EU secures its demands through the Customs Union
Through the Customs Union, signed on March 6, 1995, and enacted on January 1, 1996, the EU extracts more than enough from Türkiye without granting it full membership. As the first and only country to join the Customs Union without being an EU member, Türkiye has allowed the Union to establish dominance over its domestic market, its customs regime, and its foreign trade policy. The EU has secured a degree of tutelage over our country’s global economic relations to whatever extent it desires.
The EU has consistently behaved with hypocrisy toward Türkiye, applying a blatant double standard. Under normal circumstances, the EU first notifies a candidate of the membership decision and affirms that the country will be admitted. Only then do negotiations begin. The duration of negotiations and the commencement of membership are generally clear, and an approximate membership date is typically provided. None of this has applied to Türkiye. The EU has given Türkiye no guarantee of membership. It has declared the negotiations to be “open-ended,” stating that they do not guarantee accession. It has specified that even if Türkiye becomes a full member, Turkish citizens may not benefit from the right to free movement. It has emphasized that even if Türkiye is not admitted, it must remain strictly bound to EU institutions. It has asserted that even if governments approve Türkiye’s membership, any individual member state may subject the decision to a referendum. It has underlined that Türkiye’s full membership is contingent upon the EU’s “absorption capacity.”
It was for this reason that my esteemed teacher and friend, the late Prof. Dr. Erol Manisalı—one of the scholars who knew the EU best and reflected most deeply on Türkiye-EU relations—titled one of his many books Bekleme Odasında İğfal (Violation in the Waiting Room, Derin Publishing, Istanbul, 2007). He emphasized that this is not a relationship between two equals, but rather one of concubinage or a mistress-like dependency.
While debating the future of the EU, Türkiye must not forget this reality: the EU’s decision to admit Türkiye depends less on Türkiye fulfilling the EU’s demands and more on how the EU perceives itself on the global stage. If the EU aspires to be a global power and is willing to bear the associated costs, it will admit Türkiye. If it prefers to remain under the wing of the US, benefiting from NATO’s capabilities without the ambition of becoming a global power, it will not.
Most importantly, one must not overlook the current state of the EU, the condition and priorities of its leader, Germany, and the divergent views stemming from the differences in scale, priority, interest, and preference among member states.
Rather than pursuing the phantom of an EU membership that will never be granted—an EU that has, in any case, lost its allure—Türkiye should leverage the immense advantages of its geopolitical position. In a multilateral, multipolar world, Türkiye must establish relations with the East, the West, the North, and the South based on mutual benefit and common interest. It must reject the role of an actor balancing the East on behalf of the West or Asia on behalf of Europe, and instead emerge as a cornerstone of stability within its own region.
Opinion
Macroeconomic consequences of asymmetric UAV attacks in Russia
Today, the nature of asymmetric threats is undergoing a profound transformation, with their focus shifting increasingly toward economic centers. By mid-2026, the nature of asymmetric warfare within the borders of the Russian Federation entered a qualitatively new and critical phase.
An analysis of the Ukrainian unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) strikes carried out in July 2026 reveals a deliberate shift in targeting. Moving beyond military installations and fuel-energy infrastructure, these attacks directly targeted civilian logistics networks and critical nodes of the macroeconomic infrastructure.
The primary objective of this strategic shift is to deplete the country’s internal resources, induce insurmountable disruptions in supply chains, and exert intense psychological pressure on the civilian population.
Large-scale, coordinated strikes on the distribution centers of Wildberries—Russia’s largest e-commerce platform and part of the RVB joint venture (formed by the 2024 merger of Wildberries and Russ)—became the symbol of this new phase of home-front vulnerability. The geographic scope of these attacks, spanning an unprecedented area from the Northwestern Federal District to Southern Russia and Crimea, exposed critical gaps in national industrial risk insurance mechanisms. Furthermore, this situation sparked severe legal disputes between platform economy giants and small businesses, compelling immediate intervention from both corporate executives and senior state officials.
Tracing the multi-layered consequences of the kinetic impacts resulting from these July attacks on the state’s digital and physical economy will shape the new architecture of civilian sector security.
The zenith of the logistical terror waged by Ukraine was recorded on the night of July 24, 2026, marking the most technically complex UAV attack inflicted on Russian Federation territory since the beginning of the year. According to data from the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, domestic air defense systems detected and destroyed 571 fixed-wing Ukrainian UAVs that night.
Two points have become exceptionally critical here: saturating radar fields and the military “swarm” effect. In short, this event is the clearest indication that the enemy has transitioned to a tactic of overwhelming radar systems. At the same time, the “swarm” effect generated across a vast geographic expanse aims to rapidly deplete the ammunition of anti-aircraft missile systems and expose air defense positions deep behind the front lines.
The breadth of the targeted geography attests to the unprecedented scale of the operation. UAVs were neutralized over the Belgorod, Bryansk, Kaluga, Kursk, Leningrad, Novgorod, Oryol, Pskov, Ryazan, Smolensk, Tver, Tula, and Vladimir regions, as well as over Moscow, Krasnodar, the Republic of Crimea, and the waters of the Azov and Black Seas.
Such a dense dispersion of targets across a vast territory points to an attempt to paralyze transportation and logistics arteries within Russia’s European landmass.
In parallel with the mass deployment of UAVs, missile strikes were also conducted against civilian industrial enterprises. During the same period, a missile attack on a local enterprise in the Fileyka district of Kirov resulted in outright catastrophe, leaving 6 people dead and 32 employees injured with varying degrees of severity.
Following the incident, Regional Governor Aleksandr Sokolov stated that the situation required not only the evacuation of the wounded, but also large-scale interventions such as restoring water and power supplies and auditing the security of neighboring settlements. This combined approach—employing inexpensive kamikaze drones to degrade air defenses followed immediately by missile strikes on unprotected industrial zones—presents an entirely new threat paradigm for the civilian economy.
Systematic and sequential attacks directed at the facilities of a single commercial entity completely eliminate the possibility of coincidence. The strategic, macroeconomic, and psychological factors turning civilian commercial warehouses into critical vulnerabilities for an entire state rest upon four pillars:
- Role as the central circulatory system of domestic trade: Wildberries plays a critical role in the architecture of the modern Russian economy, connecting millions of consumers with tens of thousands of SMEs. Damage to distribution centers severe supply chains, triggering localized shortages of essential consumer goods and regional inflationary spikes. The primary goal is to destabilize the domestic market and create an artificial supply vacuum.
- Immense facility footprints and defense complexity: Spanning hundreds of thousands of square meters across the nation, these hangars constitute massive targets with high radar contrast. Unlike military bases, these commercial warehouses cannot possess their own air defense systems; placing every such facility under an air defense umbrella is physically impossible without compromising frontline systems.
- Social and psychological impact: In the eyes of the public, logistics centers symbolize daily economic stability. Black plumes of smoke visible from miles away, massive fires, and civilian casualties represent a hybrid terror tactic designed to transport an atmosphere of fear deep into peaceful cities and shake the internal socio-political climate.
- Magnified radius of economic impact: Inventory consumed by flames in these warehouses generally consists of stock purchased by merchants on credit. The destruction of commodity inventories holds the potential to cause mass vendor bankruptcies, bank loan defaults, and cascading layoffs across small businesses.
The events of July 2026 mark an irreversible shift in the threat landscape facing Russian commerce and macroeconomics. Attacks directed at Wildberries hubs in regions such as St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Tambov exposed the utter vulnerability of civilian logistics infrastructure.
Deploying relatively inexpensive unmanned aerial vehicles, the enemy is capable of inflicting tens of billions of rubles in direct damage, paralyzing the supply of essential goods, and triggering an acute social crisis in which hundreds of thousands of entrepreneurs face the threat of bankruptcy. According to Russian experts, the total cost of a single fire—similar to the Kotovsk incident on July 18—can range between 50 and 100 billion Rubles ($630 million – $1.2 billion USD).
Despite its massive capital reserves, corporate business was caught unprepared for military threats. The medium-term survival of the e-commerce economy depends on the state and the private sector uniting to engineer unprecedented systemic solutions. Establishing compensation funds and introducing mandatory risk-distribution mechanisms are critical steps that must be taken.
Logistics hubs will remain open targets unless a “state program for subsidized reinsurance of military risks” is established for the critical nodes of the civilian economy. In the future, it will not suffice for large enterprises merely to pour capital into the physical protection of infrastructure; they must also deeply decentralize their logistics networks to prevent the concentration of goods and capital at single points of failure.
Opinion
Egypt Under Fire: What Does the Damietta Strike Mean for Global Energy Markets?
Dr. Ahmed Moustafa, Director & Founder, Asia Center for Studies & Translation, Egypt
For the first time since successive waves of escalation between Washington and Tehran began in recent months, an Egyptian liquefied natural gas (LNG) export facility has become a direct target.
In the early hours of Wednesday, 29 July 2026, at least one drone struck the floating storage unit Energos Winter, owned and operated by a U.S. company and sailing under the Marshall Islands flag, while it was moored at the Mediterranean port of Damietta. The impact ignited a fire that spread to a neighboring LNG carrier, GasLog Salem. Egyptian authorities confirmed that the blaze was brought under control without any reported casualties, while no group had claimed responsibility for the attack at the time of writing.

A Broader Context That Cannot Be Ignored
The incident did not occur in a vacuum. It came only hours after the United States Central Command (CENTCOM) announced that it had conducted joint strikes with Saudi forces targeting armed factions in Iraq accused of launching drone attacks against Saudi oil facilities. Tehran responded by warning against a “miscalculation,” at a time when the Middle East is still grappling with the repercussions of an earlier round of escalation that erupted on 8 July, when U.S. forces carried out strikes inside Iranian territory following an attack on a commercial vessel in the Strait of Hormuz. Iran retaliated with attacks targeting U.S. military bases in Bahrain, Jordan, Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, and the Sultanate of Oman.
Against this tense backdrop, Damietta appears to represent yet another link in the chain of regional escalation—but an exceptional one. For decades, Egypt has sought to keep itself removed from direct military polarization in the region, unlike several Gulf states that have increasingly become arenas of open confrontation.
At the same time, this interpretation does not entirely rule out the possibility of an indirect Israeli role, driven by hostility toward Egypt’s growing diplomatic influence in the Palestinian and Gaza files. Cairo has remained committed to advancing the two-state solution and to implementing the second and third phases of the peace roadmap agreed upon following the Sharm El-Sheikh Peace Summit last October. The Israeli government, led by Benjamin Netanyahu, has sought to obstruct these efforts. Netanyahu, who is the subject of arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court, is widely accused of bearing responsibility for committing genocide that, according to Palestinian authorities, have resulted in the deaths of approximately 73,000 Palestinian civilians since 7 October 2023.
Why Egypt?
Over the past two years, Egypt has steadily strengthened its position as a regional hub for liquefying and re-exporting natural gas. This growing role has been supported by its two LNG plants at Idku and Damietta, in addition to a network of pipelines linking the country with Israel and Cyprus.
This infrastructure—unmatched elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean in terms of combined liquefaction capacity and direct access to European and global markets—has transformed Damietta and Idku into critical gateways for Eastern Mediterranean gas, including increasing volumes of Israeli/Stolen Palestinian natural gas liquefied and re-exported through Egyptian facilities.
According to local reports, the Energos Winter alone was supplying approximately 450 million cubic feet of gas per day to Egypt’s national grid and was preparing to receive four additional cargoes during August.
This expanding role gives any attack on Egypt’s gas infrastructure significance far beyond the immediate incident itself. It threatens not only Egypt’s domestic energy supplies but also a supply chain upon which Europe has increasingly relied as part of its strategy to diversify away from Russian natural gas.
Who Was Behind the Attack? Open Scenarios
At the time of writing, no organization had officially claimed responsibility, leaving several possible interpretations.
The first scenario cautions against prematurely attributing responsibility to Iran or its regional allies. It argues that the ambiguity surrounding the incident—and the absence of any claim of responsibility—may itself be deliberate, allowing whichever actor carried out the attack to undermine Egyptian stability without incurring immediate political costs.
This possibility includes actors competing over Eastern Mediterranean energy routes, as well as local or transnational groups pursuing agendas unrelated to the U.S.-Iran confrontation. Egyptian officials themselves have adopted a notably cautious approach. Egypt’s Minister of Information warned against “rushing to accuse any party,” while a former official suggested that “certain actors are seeking to drag Egypt into the conflict,” implying that the attack may have been designed precisely to draw Cairo into a confrontation it has consistently sought to avoid.
A second scenario, Israeli Involvement or the Involvement of Israel’s Allies
This, in itself, remains a serious hypothesis that is reportedly being discussed in undisclosed investigative circles. The prevailing analyses, supported by pro-Israeli and pro-American narratives, have largely centered on suspicions directed at Iran or Iran-aligned actors within the context of the ongoing conflict, rather than at Tel Aviv. This is partly because Israel maintains an energy partnership with Egypt, making any attack on an Egyptian export terminal potentially detrimental to its own natural gas interests.
Nevertheless, this hypothesis—like all others—must ultimately be assessed in light of the findings of the official investigations, which are still underway. It is worth recalling, however, that repeated warnings have been voiced regarding the visits of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Washington, as such visits have often been followed by heightened regional instability, as was argued after developments last December. According to this line of analysis, Netanyahu seeks to prolong the conflict with Iran in order to strengthen his domestic political position, secure his continuation in office, and advance Israel’s long-term strategic objective of neutralizing Iran and carrying out “Greater Israel.”
Within this framework, some analysts argue that there are broader efforts to weaken both Egypt and Türkey. They cite remarks attributed to a former Mossad operative during appearances on Israeli television, alleging that such a strategy would also serve to divert international attention away from the Gaza file and the question of Palestinian statehood—an issue on which Egypt has intensified its diplomatic efforts in recent days. According to this interpretation, creating indirect pressure on Egypt—the region’s most stable and secure state—could be viewed as a means of drawing Cairo into a wider regional confrontation.
A third scenario links the incident directly to the broader U.S.-Iran escalation. According to the article, The New York Times, citing two Iranian sources, reported that the attack may have been intended as a signal that global shipping and energy supplies could face deeper disruptions should Tehran or its allies choose to escalate further. The sources, however, did not identify the perpetrators or specify the launch point of the drone.
The Messages Behind the Attack
Regardless of who carried out the operation, the choice of target sends several important signals. An attack on what the article describes as the first American-owned energy asset on Egyptian soil would convey a message to Washington that not only its military installations in the Gulf, but also its economic footprint across the region, has become increasingly vulnerable.
For Egypt, which has consistently pursued a policy of strategic restraint and regional neutrality, the incident serves as a reminder that its geographic position—adjacent to some of the world’s most important energy and maritime corridors—no longer guarantees insulation from the conflicts unfolding around it.
For global markets, the attack suggests that the geographic scope of potential disruption is expanding beyond the Strait of Hormuz and the Arabian Gulf into the Eastern Mediterranean, increasing insurance premiums for shipping and critical energy infrastructure in a region long regarded as comparatively secure.
Egypt’s Official Response
The Egyptian government handled the incident with considerable caution and procedural professionalism, treating it primarily as a crisis-management operation rather than a political event.
The Cabinet confirmed that the fire had been caused by a drone attack without attributing responsibility to any specific party, emphasizing that investigations were continuing “to take all necessary measures to safeguard Egypt’s interests and national security.”
Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly described the response as a test of the state’s crisis-management capabilities, praising emergency teams for successfully moving the burning vessels away from the port, thereby preventing what could have become a far larger disaster.
President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi addressed the incident publicly for the first time during a telephone conversation with Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. During the call, he confirmed that the competent authorities were conducting a comprehensive investigation, warned of the dangers posed by the escalating regional situation, and stressed the importance of cooperation between Egypt and the international community to contain the crisis while adhering to peaceful solutions.
This measured diplomatic approach—avoiding direct accusations while emphasizing de-escalation—reflects Cairo’s determination not to be drawn into a broader regional confrontation despite having come under direct attack on its own territory.
Several Gulf states also expressed their full solidarity with Egypt and voiced support for its efforts to safeguard its national security and sovereignty.
The Impact on Global Energy Markets
The Damietta incident occurred at a time when global energy markets were already under considerable strain. Brent crude had been hovering around US$90 per barrel following the escalation of 8 July, while the European Title Transfer Facility (TTF) benchmark for natural gas had climbed above US$700 per 1,000 cubic meters for the first time since March.
Any additional disruption affecting an Egyptian LNG export terminal risks reinforcing this upward trend. Europe has increasingly relied on Egyptian liquefied natural gas as part of its broader strategy to diversify supplies away from Russian pipeline gas. Consequently, even a temporary interruption to Egypt’s export infrastructure could heighten market concerns over supply security.
The incident also adds to the geopolitical risk premium already factored into insurance costs for vessels operating in the Eastern Mediterranean. Higher perceived risks could translate into increased shipping and insurance costs for LNG carriers throughout the region, even if subsequent investigations conclude that the attack was an isolated event unlikely to be repeated.
What Should Be Done to Prevent Similar Incidents?
First, Egypt should further strengthen its short-range air defense capabilities and counter-drone systems around strategic energy installations along its Mediterranean coastline. This includes deploying advanced early-warning radar networks and cost-effective interception systems capable of neutralizing small unmanned aerial vehicles before they reach critical infrastructure.
Second, broader regional intelligence-sharing mechanisms should be expanded among Egypt and neighboring states—including Cyprus, Greece, and Türkiye—in recognition of the increasingly interconnected nature of Eastern Mediterranean gas infrastructure and the shared strategic importance of safeguarding regional energy corridors.
Third, given that the targeted floating storage unit is owned by a U.S. company, Washington should contribute to financing and modernizing the protection of such critical infrastructure rather than limiting its response to statements indicating that it is merely “monitoring the situation,” as the article characterizes the U.S. reaction.
Finally—and perhaps most importantly—reducing the broader cycle of regional escalation between Washington and Tehran remains the only sustainable guarantee against similar incidents in the future. Any purely technical or localized security measures can mitigate immediate risks but cannot eliminate them so long as the underlying geopolitical drivers of confrontation remain unresolved.
Conclusion
The Damietta incident serves as a stark reminder that geographic neutrality alone is no longer sufficient to shield a country that has become a pivotal node in the global energy network.
References:
1- https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c39ez3klwmro
4- https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/29/world/middleeast/ships-drone-strike-egypt.html
Opinion
Rising populist parties in Europe and liberalism
Leon Trotsky, one of the foremost leaders of the October Revolution, defined fascism as the totalitarian organization of society by monopoly capital. Magnates of large-scale monopoly capital are acutely aware that their profits cannot be safeguarded in the absence of authoritarian political power. Thus, fascism finds its bedrock of support among capitalist forces, the grand bourgeoisie, monopoly capital circles, and major landowners. We are all too familiar with the calamities fascism wrought upon the world in the era preceding the Second World War.
The post–World War II era is often commemorated as the golden age of capitalism—a period characterized by robust growth rates and low unemployment. Real wages climbed, social rights expanded, demands for a welfare state remained vibrant, and the pursuit of a social state yielded tangible results. This era ultimately met its demise in the 1970s, undone by shifts in the regime of accumulation and structural economic crises.
Today, across Europe, political parties that could virtually be characterized as the direct successors to pre-WWII fascist movements are consolidating their electoral gains. Germany, France, and Italy serve as quintessential examples. These parties weaponize poverty, unemployment, and anti-foreigner, anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim, and anti-Middle Eastern sentiments, while capitalizing on the incompetence of traditional center-right and center-left parties and taking a deeply Eurosceptic, critical stance toward the European Union. They employ caustic rhetoric against the political elites who have dominated governance for decades. Receiving endorsement from both US President Trump and Russian leader Putin, they draw substantial support simultaneously from working-class constituencies—traditionally the bedrock of the left—and from grand capital circles. While monopoly capital quietly pats these populist movements on the back, it simultaneously winks at liberal-democratic and increasingly indistinguishable social-democratic parties that champion unbridled capitalism and aggressive liberalism. Beyond France and Germany, examples abound from Italy to the United Kingdom…
The interests of grand capital, which back populist regimes and advocate authoritarian governance, also champion localization. For the erosion of the national, the public, and the collective—alongside the attenuation of the central state and the elevation of the local—works decisively to the advantage of big capital.
Why?
Because of this:
Under liberalism, the state does not regulate the market; rather, the market regulates, directs, and subdues both the state and society. In a liberal order, the state is expected to act on behalf of capital and in favor of the market—intervening in politics, society, and the law, and enacting statutory frameworks strictly to this end. The state is tasked with engineering legal and institutional arrangements for the market’s account and benefit. Society is reduced to a market-society, wherein the citizen is reimagined as a consumer, a client, and an entrepreneur. Since competition is elevated as the supreme imperative, citizens themselves must become entrepreneurial and competitive—a posture the state actively promotes and incentivizes.
According to liberals, the state bears no obligation to shield its citizens from the pitiless mechanics of the market or the ferocity of unchecked capitalism. On the contrary, the state demands and encourages that citizens establish themselves as entrepreneurial actors within the market arena. Consequently, the state aligns itself with capital, operating at its beck and call. Hence, liberalism harbors an innate preference for unorganized, non-unionized, cheap labor. Wages are suppressed; agricultural subsidies are gutted to a minimum; and strikes are banned on the flimsiest of pretexts.
Because liberalism insists that the state be sculpted, organized, and driven according to market demands—allowing the market to command and direct the state—the liberal vision of the nexus between politics and economics, as well as politics and law, is deeply fractured. In their worldview, law must operate exclusively to the advantage of capital, acting as the vigilant sentinel for the inviolability of property rights. It must dismantle every obstacle standing in the way of free trade, unbridled competition, and the free market, while swiftly and severely penalizing any force that dares to impede them. To conform to the expectations and demands of capital: this is the primary imperative required of the law.
In sum, through its championing of identity politics, its reduction of the citizen to a mere client, and its liquidation of the state’s social character in order to place public power at the disposal of capital, liberalism stands fundamentally opposed to the social, the public, and the national. This is a truth that must be firmly impressed upon left-liberals, nationalist-liberals, and conservative-liberals alike.
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