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The limits of US power and the stance of Russia and China

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Following the conclusion of the Cold War in 1991 and the circulation of the Greater Middle East Project (later renamed the Broader Middle East and North Africa Initiative) in the 2000s, the United States never ceased to recite the following concepts: Preemptive strike. Controlled instability. Hybrid warfare. Asymmetric warfare. Liberating occupation. Humanitarian imperialism…

In this manner, US imperialism fabricated pretexts to invade nations it could not dismantle through psychological warfare, perception management, social engineering, clandestine warfare tactics, or fifth-column activities. It listed excuses. It claimed that its attacks and occupations were undertaken for the welfare of that country’s people. It asserted that it was delivering human rights, democracy, and freedom to the nations it occupied. While invading its target countries, it naturally had another justification: The global war on terror. Following the September 11, 2001 attacks, the US utilized the conjuncture effectively and efficiently for its own ends. The concrete examples of this were the invasions of Afghanistan in 2001 and Iraq in 2003.

The US no longer cites human rights, democracy, or freedom when it attacks and occupies. US President Trump feels no need to conceal imperialist barbarism, piracy, banditry, or arrogance. He explicitly states that he has set his sights on the oil. He underscores that he does not care about international law. Indeed, this is what he did in Venezuela. Therefore, one must never forget the phrase widely used in the US: “It is the oil, stupid.”

Soft power vs. hard power

The days when the US deployed its soft power (culture, media, science, academia, art, sports, education, music, cinema, fashion, lifestyle, etc.) to establish hegemony, intending primarily to manufacture consent in the target country and desiring to maintain US leadership in this manner, are long gone. There are several reasons for this.

First, there is an erosion in the US capability to manufacture consent and in its soft power elements, just as there is in its economic and political power. Second, the elements and instruments of soft power are no longer as alluring; they do not yield the same premium as before. Third, a president who places no importance on soft power sits in the White House.

Furthermore, just as the US is not the US of old, the world is not the world of old. Anti-Americanism is very high globally. No one believes the lie of the “global struggle against terror” on the US tongue, nor its promises of democracy and freedom. The days of Pax Americana are behind us. The approach that the rulers of the US attempted to ground—both politically and ideologically, as well as morally and religiously—in the maxim “what is good for the US is good for the world” had already collapsed years ago. This is one of the reasons why Trump, who said during his presidential campaign that he would end wars, withdraw troops from the Middle East, and not send US soldiers to other countries, subsequently attacked Venezuela and committed piracy.

Moreover, Trump is considering the midterm elections in 2026. He is aware of the polarization within US society, the weakening domestic front, the chasm between wealth and destitution, the country’s massive external debt, and the high foreign trade deficit.

The US certainly faces other impasses. For instance, it failed to drive a wedge between China and Russia. For instance, it could not prevent the shift away from the US dollar in foreign trade. It could not stop many countries from trading in their national currencies. For instance, it did not achieve the results it expected from the trade wars it initiated against China.

The two-and-a-half war strategy is left behind

From the US perspective, the two-and-a-half war theory (fighting and occupying in two countries while maintaining a smaller-scale military force in a third, mobilizing other elements to change the regime) has been left behind. In its chosen target regions, it is increasingly mobilizing regional allies, terrorist organizations, and non-state actors.

The US desires to establish an order in the Middle East under the tutelage of Israel. It is pushing Israel to the forefront more than ever before. In Palestine and Lebanon, Israel has largely achieved its desires through genocides. In Syria, Israel is currently far more effective than in the past. Damascus has also accepted the occupation of the Golan Heights. Israel enters Syrian territory, plants flags, interferes in the country’s internal affairs, and bombs military facilities. Israel’s influence over the Barzanis in northern Iraq is also known. Since Iran is a far tougher nut to crack than Syria, the US actively supports Israel regarding Iran as well. It encourages and instigates opposition movements and street demonstrations. The US is satisfied with the Kurdish autonomous administration and the Barzani leadership in northern Iraq. Furthermore, by supporting the PKK–PYD–YPG–SDF terrorist organization, the US exerts pressure on Turkey and Syria.

Against China, which it views as its primary adversary, the US is pushing regional countries, large and small, from Japan to Australia, to the front lines in order to encircle the country from its immediate periphery. It establishes alliances for this purpose. For instance; QUAD (US, Japan, India, Australia) and AUKUS (Australia, United Kingdom, US) are such alliances. The US is organizing what are essentially “mini-NATOs,” sister alliances to NATO.

Countries of the Global South, those trying to distance themselves from the US in recent years and turning to develop relations with China and Russia, are naturally wary of US banditry. Medium and small-scale states expect, quite understandably from their perspective, China and Russia to be more active against the US. This expectation was not met in Libya or Syria. Nor was it met in Venezuela. In the event that the US attacks Iran once again, the probability of this expectation being met in Iran is also very low.

Confessions in the US strategy document

The national security strategy document released by the US in December 2025 contained significant confessions. In essence, it stated that it is no longer the sole great power in the world, that there are other great powers, though it claimed to be the greatest. It indicated that it would focus on the American continent and implement the Monroe Doctrine (known by the discourse “America for Americans”). It emphasized that it did not care about the European Union at all, and indeed, did not like it. It admitted that it could not be effective everywhere in the world simultaneously. It expressed that because it could not risk competition with China in all corners of the world, from Central Asia to Africa, from the Middle East to Latin America, it would focus on the Western Hemisphere, the New World, its own continent. On January 3, 2026, by attacking Venezuela and kidnapping Maduro and his wife, Trump implemented—in his own words—the “Donroe Doctrine” through banditry, piracy, barbarism, and brigandage.

The fact that Venezuela, the country with the richest oil reserves in the world, sold 80 percent of its produced oil to China had long drawn the ire of the US. The US both usurped Venezuela’s oil and precious metals and exerted pressure on a significant oil supplier of its greatest rival, China. It gained a measure of control over China’s oil imports. Indeed, following his act of piracy, Trump essentially said, “China shouldn’t worry, oil sales to them will continue.”

Will World War III break out?

Under these conditions, the following questions come to the minds of many: Will the US and China fight? Will World War III break out?

Even if there is a very sharp, multidimensional, and comprehensive competition between the US and China, the two countries will not enter into a direct hot conflict. Moreover, there are several reasons for them not to do so.

First, the two countries possess very tight cooperation in commercial and economic terms. There is a large volume of trade between them. There are mutual investments. Second, both countries know that there would be no winner in such a war and that it would be very debilitating for the conflicting parties. Third, both countries possess nuclear weapons, which greatly reduces the probability of direct conflict.

Moreover, proxy wars are already underway between the US and China. There is technological competition, economic competition, scientific competition, and commercial competition. There is competition for influence in different countries. There is competition in cyberspace, in the virtual realm, in patent numbers, in software, in information technologies, and in the field of artificial intelligence—and sharply so.

The Cold War era and today

Another impasse for the US is this: It is waging a struggle against China that is more complex, more dimensional, and more arduous than the one it waged against the USSR during the Cold War. The USSR dissolved in 1991 without firing a single bullet. The Warsaw Pact collapsed the same year. The US, NATO, and capitalism declared victory. Today, China is different. It has drawn the necessary lessons from the USSR experience. It is challenging the US not ideologically, but primarily economically, technologically, and industrially.

Let us refresh our memories while comparing the competition of today with that of the Cold War era.

First, in the Cold War, ideologies, alliances, and the leading countries of those alliances were distinct. The world and Europe were divided accordingly. The Berlin Wall was the symbol of this division. Today, there are no ideological camp-formations in the world. Alliance relations are different. There are contradictions within alliances. There is fluidity between alliances. There are different tensions between alliances. Explaining the world is not as simple or easy as it was during the Cold War years. Neither politically, ideologically, nor geographically can a distinction similar to that of the Cold War era be made today.

Second, from the onset of the Cold War, the US was very powerful. In the years following World War II, it accounted for half of the world’s total production. In the 1960s, it produced 40 percent of global output. Today, its share in the world economy has fallen below 25 percent, to 22 percent. In calculations based on purchasing power parity, China has become the world’s largest economy. In many sectors, in many areas of production, and in investments made in many regions, the EU has fallen behind China. The US knows this. This is one of the reasons for its anger. Because it cannot prevent it.

Third, alongside Cold War institutions like NATO, the US has very strong influence in organizations like the EU, the World Bank, and the IMF. Today, the EU’s influence is very weak. Against structures like the IMF and the World Bank, alternative institutions led by China have emerged. Furthermore, structures like the SCO and BRICS, and the Belt and Road Initiative, are important. All of these are structures that have been established, developed, and are developing despite the US.

Fourth, during the Cold War, the US had capitalized on the tension between the USSR and China, particularly between 1960 and 1989. Today, however, Russia and China relations are strong. Despite all its desires, the US failed to drive a wedge between the two countries. The US also failed to bring India into line to the extent it desired against China. Even if India experiences significant problems with China, it is too large a country to completely follow in the US’s wake.

Fifth, it appears that the US-China competition will last longer than the Cold War.

Sixth, while saying “America First” and promising to make the US great again, US President Trump prioritizes hard power and economic-political pressures over the construction of hegemony based on soft power and the manufacturing of consent. He views investment in soft power as a waste of money and time. This preference draws a reaction in Europe. In the coming period, the problems Europe experiences with the US may become more pronounced. If the US attempts to acquire Greenland—the territory of Denmark, a member of NATO and the EU—by some means, the contradiction between the US and Europe will increase further.

In conclusion, in a period where the world is transitioning to a multipolar order and the US is prioritizing its own continent, tension will continue to escalate. Mexico, Colombia, Cuba, Panama, Iran, and Greenland are in the US crosshairs. Reactions against US aggression will also rise in different countries and in different dimensions. Interest in regional alliances will increase.

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Chaos and reckoning on the streets of France

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The streets of France have turned into a stage not merely for anger against the government, but for a deep-seated mistrust of the state’s approach to security. The blurring of the line between peaceful demonstrators and looters, lingering questions over police conduct, and the media’s refocusing on the immigration debate are bringing the country to the brink of a political reckoning far deeper than a routine public-order crisis.

In France, a government does not have to wait for an electoral defeat to lose its legitimacy. Sometimes, slogans chanted in a public square, tear gas fired down a boulevard, crowds penned in at the exit of a cordoned-off street, and testimonies of unhindered looting in shops only hundreds of metres away suffice to expose just how fragile the bond of trust between state and society has become.

Events in Paris on Saturday, 17 October point to precisely such a political fracture. Planned demonstrations with the participation of student unions, trade unions, and the Yellow Vests were marked throughout the day by police crackdowns, disputes over march routes, looting in the city centre, and widespread criticism of the government’s perceived inadequacy. The scene that emerged by evening suggested that France was grappling not merely with an issue of public order, but with a burgeoning crisis of confidence regarding the state’s impartiality and political motives.

Whom does the state permit to take to the streets, whom does it obstruct, and which forms of violence does it intervene against, and to what degree? The answer to this question may prove decisive in understanding France’s current political impasse.

The shadow of 17 October 1961

It is impossible to view the date of these demonstrations as a mere coincidence on the calendar. On 17 October 1961, a peaceful demonstration in Paris supporting Algerian independence was brutally crushed by the French police. Scores of people were killed, with some demonstrators drowned after being thrown into the River Seine. The event remains etched in memory as one of the darkest chapters in France’s colonial history and state-sponsored violence.

Sixty-five years later, as police interventions, youth rage, and the state’s stance on the right to protest are debated once again on the streets of Paris on 17 October, the resurgence of this historical memory was inevitable.

This memory may hold a distinct meaning, especially for French citizens of North African descent. Yet it would also be a mistake to reduce all the young people taking part in the demonstrations to a single identity, immigrant origin, or political motivation.

To what extent has the French Republic truly reckoned with the legacy of its colonial past and the relationship its security apparatus maintains with diverse segments of society?

Looters on the streets, where are the police?

Individuals dressed in black and associated in the public eye with the Black Bloc broke into shops at various locations, damaged businesses, and engaged in looting.

While peaceful demonstrators marched under a heavy police presence, fierce criticism arose that looting in certain areas had been allowed to unfold unchecked.

It is striking that while 14,000 police officers were deployed across the capital during the Pope’s visit to Paris, only 10,000 officers in total were assigned across the whole of France for the demonstrations of 17 October.

To which areas were police resources allocated? Had intelligence services assessed the risk of looting beforehand? While a robust security presence flanked the routes of peaceful marches, why was the same effectiveness not demonstrated in safeguarding commercial districts?

The deployment of elite units trained to quell urban unrest, such as CRS 8, does not resolve these questions. On the contrary, the failure to contain the incidents despite the presence of specialized units calls the quality of planning and coordination into question.

A political reckoning extending from Marseille to Limoges

The debate in Paris soon reverberated across the country’s other cities. In a televised address, the socialist mayor of Marseille stated that he had requested police reinforcements from the government, yet the units dispatched fell short given the scale and requirements of the city.

The mayor’s most striking allegation was that while looters stormed Marseille City Hall, the Hôtel de Ville, police officers stood roughly 200 metres away and failed to intervene. Stating that he possessed security camera footage, the mayor affirmed that he would await the scrutiny of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry and demand an explanation from the government.

The mayor of Limoges likewise issued what amounted to an ultimatum to the government, demanding the reconstruction of the torched town hall and the full reimbursement of costs. According to the mayor, the government had failed to protect a public building and neglected to provide the police with the necessary resources and backing.

These statements emerging from two distinct cities demonstrate that a new confrontation over security policy has arisen between local authorities and the central government. How security resources are allocated, which risks are prioritized, and whether the warnings of local administrations are heeded must all be brought to light.

The deepening scrutiny over the administration’s stance was compounded by President Emmanuel Macron’s refusal to accept the resignation tendered by Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez. The rejection of the resignation raises the question of whether the executive aims to preserve the chain of accountability, or fears that a political reshuffle would only exacerbate the crisis.

In either case, the government faces a crisis of trust.

An eight-minute speech and unanswered demands

Macron’s roughly eight-minute televised address failed to meet expectations regarding the political dimensions of the crisis. The president announced that he would meet with student unions and that the prime minister would engage with political parties, yet he presented neither tangible decisions nor a comprehensive political roadmap.

Education spending, police violence, the Palestinian cause, anti-fascism, and backlash against the Macron administration appear to have ceased being disparate issues in the eyes of the youth.

To be sure, the true strength of a state lies not in silencing its people and streets, but in addressing legitimate demands. It must not be forgotten that institutions unable to adapt and change are destined to break.

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What is scale in foreign policy? How is success measured in foreign policy?

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By its very nature, foreign policy feeds into and draws nourishment from numerous, disparate, and varied fields. It is a domain with manifold and diverse inputs. For foreign policy is examined alongside a broad array of subjects, ranging from geography to history, economics to intelligence, and military might to public diplomacy, commonly termed soft power elements.

The capacity of the state, that is, the scale of the state, or in other words the aggregate of its elements of power (namely political, economic, military, and soft power components), is decisive in foreign policy. Geography is decisive in foreign policy. Commercial relations are decisive in foreign policy. Energy dependence on another country or countries, if present, is decisive in foreign policy. Foreign policy cannot be conducted in spite of these four factors.

There is more. A country’s capacity, its scale, does not increase overnight, from one day to the next. It requires planning. It requires national consensus. It requires time. It requires preparation. Nor are these enough. The regional and global environment, the conjuncture, and the international plane must also allow for it. The stance of allies and adversaries is, of course, also important.

For the international environment is, by its nature, complex. It is an environment rife with contradiction, turmoil, conflict, and tension. To draw an analogy, the person in the driver’s seat of foreign policy is not a motorist speeding along the road as they please. There are things they must not forget, rules they must obey, red lights, vehicles speeding up from behind, a truck moving ahead, and a heavy vehicle hurtling toward them from the opposite direction.

Success in foreign policy does not arrive simply because a politician we like has become foreign minister. For a foreign minister is only as effective as the power, capacity, and weight of their country. One must accept this plain truth.

Moreover, there are simple, straightforward questions that reveal whether foreign policy, which some find deeply complex and inscrutable, is successful or not.

There are undoubtedly ways to measure the effectiveness, prestige, influence, and success of foreign policy.

For instance, the number of countries that respect a passport, how many countries can be visited visa-free, and how many countries impose visa requirements and grant those visas only with great difficulty are important indicators of a country’s standing.

Let us take ourselves as an example. Which countries require a visa for the Turkish passport? Which ones do not? Is it easy for our citizens to obtain visas for the countries they primarily wish to visit?

Let us give another example from the Turkic world.

On the Cyprus issue, which we regard as a national cause across government and opposition, right and left, Kemalist and Milli Görüş adherents alike, how many countries have we succeeded in having recognize the TRNC? Why do the Turkic states (Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) not recognize the TRNC? Far from recognizing the TRNC, how do the Turkic states in Central Asia (Turkistan) explain to Ankara their developing relations with the Greek Cypriot Administration of Southern Cyprus, which Türkiye does not recognize, their appointment of ambassadors, and their recognition of Southern Cyprus as the island’s sole legitimate government?

We must also ask this question, of course: What is the state of Türkiye’s bilateral trade with the Turkic states?

Let us give an example of the relationship between foreign policy and big capital.

In which countries are big capital circles, among the greatest supporters of the ruling bloc, winning major tenders?

In our country, across both ruling and opposition ranks, there is a political party order that supports Türkiye’s EU membership. Yet how much progress has been made on EU membership?

Why is US President Trump not keeping the promises he made to Türkiye at the NATO summit held in Ankara a few months ago?

How many contracts has the new regime in Syria, the al-Sharaa administration, awarded to Turkish companies for the reconstruction of its country?

Has the government in Libya that Türkiye supports paid the money owed to Turkish construction firms, outstanding for years?

How does Qatar, with whom our relations are very good, explain its developing ties, energy agreements, and joint military drills with Greece and the Greek Cypriot Administration, disregarding our sensitivities?

Who is the addressee of the harsh statements used in recent weeks by Azerbaijan, which we view as “two states, one nation”? To what extent does Azerbaijan share Türkiye’s policy on Israel? What does Türkiye think about the scale, depth, and intimacy of Azerbaijan-Israel relations?

These questions can certainly be multiplied.

Yet without taking into account the scale of the state and observing the criteria for measuring foreign policy, no sound assessment can be made.

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The era of corridor alliances in the Middle East

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In the Middle East, war is no longer waged merely to seize territory. The true contest turns on who will control the energy pipelines, trade routes, ports, and railways of tomorrow. Missiles may strike cities today, but the maps of the future are being drawn through transport and energy corridors.

In this context, interpreting Türkiye’s presence in the Mecca Alliance solely as military support for Saudi Arabian security remains incomplete; it fails to explain why two states that viewed each other with mutual suspicion until recently would take steps toward a cooperation close enough to constitute a shared destiny.

Alongside Saudi Arabia’s existential motives, Ankara’s participation in this alliance is anchored in a profound geopolitical foundation: to position itself within, and if possible at the very centre of, the Middle East’s reconfigured energy and transport corridors.

Today, it cannot be said that Riyadh and Ankara see eye to eye on every regional issue. The threat perceptions and priorities of the two countries do not, quite naturally, entirely coincide. On the geopolitical chessboard, partnerships do not always arise from identical agendas. When reasons are sufficiently compelling, particularly existential ones, they can override political differences and enable common ground along the same strategic path.

A new war of corridors unfolds in the Middle East

On one side lies IMEC (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), planned to extend from India through the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Israel to Europe. On the other stands the Development Road, which aims to link the Persian Gulf across Iraq to Türkiye, and onward to Europe.

These two undertakings are, of course, far more than mere transport projects. They represent two divergent geopolitical answers to where the future flow of trade and energy between Asia and Europe will traverse; for Türkiye, this issue is of vital importance.

If a corridor system taking shape to Türkiye’s south, beyond Ankara’s orbit, becomes permanent, Türkiye could forfeit not only an economic opportunity but also a substantial portion of its strategic centrality in the Middle East. It is through this prism that the Mecca Alliance must be evaluated.

Türkiye’s seat at the same table with Saudi Arabia signifies more than military solidarity. Riyadh and Ankara must sit together to avoid exclusion from the region’s emergent security and economic architecture, for the security of a corridor and the corridor itself are no longer separate matters.

The Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea, the Bab al-Mandab, and the Suez Canal are links in the very same chain. A security crisis in one directly impacts the others. While the vulnerability of Hormuz makes alternative export routes for Gulf oil indispensable, instability across the Red Sea heightens the strategic cost of Suez.

Saudi Arabia’s alternative pipelines connecting its eastern oil fields to Red Sea terminals are therefore not merely energy infrastructure; they are strategic bypasses mitigating dependence on Hormuz.

For Türkiye, the Development Road fulfills the same function across a broader geography. Stretching from the Persian Gulf through Iraq to Türkiye, and from Türkiye into Europe, this artery possesses the potential to forge a new overland backbone connecting the Gulf to the Mediterranean and Europe. As security concerns in the Red Sea mount and the vulnerability of Suez deepens, the value of this route rises accordingly.

The Hejaz Railway: Revived once again

The return of the Hejaz Railway to the regional agenda signifies far more than mere nostalgia. Once linking Istanbul to Damascus, Amman, and the Hejaz, the railway served as one of the primary transport and logistical arteries of the Ottoman geography.

Reviving the idea of the Hejaz Railway could become the emblem of Türkiye’s drive to reimagine its historical transport connections between the Gulf, the Hejaz, and the Levant through modern rail, energy, and logistics networks.

The objective here is not to restore the past, but to transpose the strategic logic of that historical geographical linkage into the twenty-first century. For this reason, Türkiye’s role in the Mecca Alliance and the resurgence of the Hejaz Railway project must be viewed as components of the same overarching picture.

Corridors do not consist solely of energy pipelines. Railways, ports, highways, electrical interconnectors, logistical hubs, and security architectures are all facets of the same geopolitical grid, and safeguarding these networks requires political alliances.

Herein lies the strategic significance of Saudi Arabia and Türkiye sitting at the same table in Mecca, even at a juncture when their views on Syria diverge.

Ankara and Riyadh do not need to agree on every subject. Yet neither wishes to see the new map of the Middle East drawn to its detriment. Türkiye’s aim is not to build an anti-bloc against any specific country alongside Saudi Arabia; rather, the goal is to avoid exclusion from the future energy and trade systems of the Middle East, while securing a decisive voice in establishing their security architecture.

Hence, for Türkiye, the Mecca Alliance is far more than a simple defence pact. Securing the Development Road, shielding Gulf energy corridors, stabilising the Red Sea, rethinking connections across the Hejaz and the Levant, and bolstering trade corridors reaching Europe all intersect within this single strategic equation.

In this equation, Türkiye’s foremost advantage remains its geography. Ankara sits at the northern terminus of the overland routes linking the Gulf to Europe; within NATO; and at the crossroads connecting the Black Sea, the Caucasus, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East.

Will Türkiye become one of the powers shaping the Middle East’s energy and trade architecture over the coming decades, or will it be reduced to a mere transit state traversed by routes designed by others? That question defines the true strategic significance of the Mecca Alliance for Ankara.

In the Middle East of tomorrow, it will be impossible to separate the corridor carrying energy, the security framework protecting that corridor, and the alliance constructing that security framework.

Whoever controls the corridor shapes commerce. Whoever guarantees the routes through which trade flows holds sway over the regional balance of power. This is the true dimension of the contest currently underway in the Middle East.

A succession of distinct and largely mutually exclusive ambitions are competing for dominance in the current climate: India’s linkage to Europe, the Gulf’s new economic horizons, Saudi Arabia’s alternative energy routes, the security crisis in the Red Sea, the strategic weight of Hormuz, and Türkiye’s aspiration to open outward to Europe via the Development Road. Ironically, perhaps, the conflict that will decide which corridor underpins global stability has already begun, and it will likely continue spreading to new fronts. Regrettably, the fires in our region appear poised to intensify long before they abate.

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