Opinion
How did imperialism dismember Yugoslavia?
US imperialism, having enlisted Israel—one of its two strategic allies, the other being the United Kingdom—is endeavoring to reshape the Middle East. The priorities of the US and Israel include the liquidation of nation-states in the region; regime change and even border alterations in Iran, whose turn has come following Iraq and Syria; and the establishment of full US control over energy resources and transit routes. Among these priorities are also the containment of Chinese and Russian influence in the region, the establishment of a Kurdish state as a garrison or puppet state, and the alleviation of Saudi Arabia’s security concerns.
As the US and its European partners advance toward their imperialist objectives, they are exploiting identity politics to the fullest extent. To divide Middle Eastern countries from within and pit them against one another, they incite and exacerbate medieval remnants and feudal residues of belonging, affiliation, and sensibilities. The objective is to first persuade these countries toward federalism via feudalism, and subsequently to divide and dismember them.
In this context, the events that unfolded in Yugoslavia during the final decade of the last century offer critical lessons regarding the consequences of ethnic, religious, and sectarian slaughter. Let us recall Yugoslavia: a nation that interpreted socialism in its own unique way, observed regional and global balances, was not a member of the Warsaw Pact, took significant strides in economy and industry, drew attention with its achievements in sports and arts, and held a prestigious position in the Non-Aligned Movement. It was torn apart in a bloody fashion. Today, seven states stand in Yugoslavia’s place: Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Croatia, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Slovenia, and Kosovo.
Yugoslavia, which literally means the Land of the South Slavs, was founded after World War II under the leadership of Tito—who was known as Marshal due to his military successes during the war, despite not being a soldier by profession. Tito was a patriot who defended his homeland against Nazi occupiers, a successful commander, a formidable organizer, a staunch socialist, and a successful, charismatic statesman. Born to a Croatian father and a Slovenian mother, Tito believed in independence, self-management, federalism, and a socialist market economy. He did not hesitate to fall out with USSR leader Stalin. The Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia consisted of six federated states and two autonomous regions: Serbia, Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Slovenia, Montenegro, and Croatia were the federated states; Vojvodina and Kosovo were the autonomous regions. Tito’s leadership and charisma bore immense significance for his country. With the death of Josip Broz Tito on May 4, 1980, Yugoslavia entered a period of crisis. With imperialism descending upon it, the process of disintegration began.
Why was Yugoslavia chosen as a target?
Yugoslavia occupied an important and unique position in the Balkans, not only geographically but also politically and diplomatically. It possessed an effective administration. It was socialist, yet not under the tutelage of the USSR. It maintained an independent line. It stood out with its industrial infrastructure and skilled workforce.
Alongside these strengths, it also faced significant problems. Ethnic, religious, and cultural differences were rife. Corruption in the bureaucracy was widespread. Rising nationalist currents were becoming conspicuous. There were deep disparities in economic development among the federated republics constituting Yugoslavia. Serbia, holding the population majority and military power, and the economically advanced Slovenia and Croatia held diverging views regarding the country’s future. The collapse of the Eastern Bloc in 1989 and the USSR in 1991 left Yugoslavia isolated against the West.
The termination of the socialist regime in Yugoslavia, along with economic and political steps taken to prolong the federation’s life—such as the adoption of a market economy and the transition to a multi-party system—did not yield the hoped-for results. On the contrary, they accelerated the country’s dissolution. Both socialism and the federal state collapsed simultaneously. In this respect, its fate resembled that of the USSR. Different political currents in different federated republics failed to cooperate to keep the country standing. Ethnic and religious sensitivities strengthened under the guise of democracy and freedom imposed by the West. In every federated republic, separatist movements, organizations, and actors came to the fore with support arriving from the US and Europe.
Yugoslavia’s unique model of socialism, based on a Yugoslav supra-identity, had been successful while Tito was alive. However, after Tito, it became evident that national issues and identity problems had not been resolved, and the conflicts between them had never truly been eliminated. Another misfortune for the country was that the New World Order, globalization, and imperialism prioritized identity politics and placed Yugoslavia in their crosshairs.
What was Tito’s great anxiety?
According to Yugoslavia’s founding leader Tito, Yugoslavia—harboring numerous ethnic communities within its structure—represented an integrated political identity independent of ethnic differences and transcending them. However, Tito was also aware of the games imperialism was playing on his country; in 1971, he stated: “…They are calculating that if Tito goes, everything will collapse. Some are seriously waiting for this. The internal enemy receives countless support from the outside. Great powers will utilize any devil that serves their purpose.”
In the first 35 years of the Cold War, Yugoslavia stood out as the country with the most liberal economy, the most libertarian political structure, and the highest level of ethnic and religious tolerance in the socialist world. Tito’s three administrative principles were decisive in its prominence with these qualities: 1) Ensuring local freedoms through the concept of self-management. 2) Establishing ethnic harmony within a single-party administration through the concept of brotherhood and unity. 3) Serving world peace through the concept of non-alignment in foreign policy. With Tito’s death in 1980, the country lost its most important unifying glue, and these three principles began to rot. The global economic depression effective in the early 1980s also put the country in a difficult position. The disparities in economic development between the federated republics became blatantly apparent. (1)
It was better understood after his death that Tito was, for Yugoslavia, far more than a founding leader or national hero; he was the actor who enabled living together. It became apparent that there had been a failure to institutionalize the commonalities and similarities among the different peoples, cultures, and religions constituting the federal republic to the hoped-for extent, and that the carefully desired Yugoslav supra-identity could not be formed as wished. The principle of “brotherhood and unity,” which Tito never ceased to mention, was forgotten after his death. Indeed, ten years after his death, civil war began.
In the census conducted in 1981, it was striking that in a country of 22.4 million, only 5 percent of the population defined themselves as “Yugoslav.” This 5 percent segment consisted predominantly of civil and military bureaucrats, party administrators, and intellectuals. For 95 percent of the citizens, ethnic identity, historical memory, and national sentiments were paramount. The deterioration of the economy in the 1980s also fueled reaction against the government and reinforced nationalist sentiments. The multicultural, multi-identity, multi-religious, multi-national, and multi-people structure, combined with the economic development disparities between federal republics, presented an environment for the US and the European Union to use, exploit, and provoke.
Different approaches regarding the fragmentation
Various interpretations have been made regarding the fragmentation of Yugoslavia following years of bloody civil wars.
Some experts state that the support provided by the US and the European Union to fascist actors in Yugoslavia divided the country. They argue that Western imperialism could never stomach a strong and united Yugoslavia in the Balkans.
According to some experts, the fundamental reason for the division is economic. Wealthy and industrially strong Slovenia, and Croatia—which possessed significant tourism revenues and was in a better economic situation—viewed the other parts of the country as a burden. They drew closer to the European Union, particularly Germany, and demanded independence.
Some experts argue that the dissolution of the USSR plunged Yugoslavia, which had very strong trade ties with that country, into an economic bottleneck and brought about the division.
According to some experts, the element uniting the peoples in Yugoslavia was the communist ideology. With the collapse of communism, this bond disappeared, and the country was divided as a result of rising extreme nationalism.
According to other experts, the greatest party responsible for the fragmentation of Yugoslavia is Serbian nationalism. Serbian nationalism dreamed of a Greater Serbia. It ignored the multi-national, multi-religious, multi-lingual, and multi-cultural structure of the country. It viewed the Serbs as the sovereign and primary element of the country, utilized Serb minorities in the federated republics, supported Serb separatists in those regions, and believed it could prevent the country’s division by resorting to violence. Through these attitudes, it caused nationalist currents in other republics to strengthen and ultimately led to the country’s dissolution.
A study conducted in 1980 revealed the economic disparity between the federated republics. According to the study, accepting the Yugoslav average as 100, the minimum subsistence index was 122 in Slovenia and 130 in Croatia. In contrast, it was 87 in Serbia, 76 in Montenegro, 66 in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and 64 in Macedonia (2). Regarding economic approaches to Yugoslavia’s fragmentation, the per capita GNP (in US dollars) in the federated republics and autonomous regions using 1990–1991 data also provides an idea: Slovenia (5,500), Croatia (3,400), Serbia (2,200), Montenegro (1,700), Bosnia-Herzegovina (1,600), Macedonia (1,400), Vojvodina (3,250), and Kosovo (730) (3).
After Tito, Serbia, which was politically strong and constituted the most populous demographic, attempted to transform the federal state into a unitary state. Economically strong Slovenia and Croatia, on the other hand, endeavored to transform it into a loose confederation. The wealthy republics did not want to “carry” the poor republics and viewed them as a burden. The first signs of breaking away from Yugoslavia with demands for independence came from the two wealthy republics, Slovenia and Croatia. Relying on the fact that Serbs lived in different federated states, Serbia was eager to interfere in the internal affairs of these federated states. This, in turn, increased the backlash.
Yugoslavia’s population structure in terms of religion and sect was as follows: Orthodox Christians constituted one-third of the population, ranking first in this regard. Catholics made up one-fourth of the population. Fifteen percent of the population was Muslim. Although sources vary slightly, the ethnic and religious distribution in Yugoslavia’s federated states and autonomous regions in 1981 was as follows:
- Bosnia-Herzegovina: Muslims 39.1%, Serbs 32%, Croats 18.4%.
- Croatia: Croats 75.1%, Serbs 11.5%.
- Macedonia: Macedonians 67%, Albanians 19.6%.
- Montenegro: Montenegrins 68.5%, Muslims 13.4%.
- Serbia: Serbs 66.4%, Albanians 19.6%.
- Slovenia: Slovenes 90.5%.
In Kosovo, Albanians constituted 77.5% of the population. In Vojvodina, 55.8% of the population was Serb, and 21.7% was Hungarian. The most populous minorities consisted of Albanians, Hungarians, Roma, Bulgarians, Romanians, Slovaks, and Turks. (4)
In Yugoslavia, where the population reached 23.5 million in 1990, Serbs constituted the largest demographic with a population of 10 million. Of these 10 million, 6 million lived in Serbia, 1.5 million in Bosnia-Herzegovina, and 600,000 in Croatia.
The football match in Zagreb and the fractured region
While Slovenia and Croatia, Yugoslavia’s two wealthy federated republics, complained about the central economic structure and viewed the other republics as a burden, they also claimed that the system constantly favored Serbia. According to them, they were the ones working and producing, but the Serbs, who held the majority in the bureaucracy, trade, and banking, were skimming the cream off the country.
Slovenia was very eager for independence. This was because it was both the wealthiest federated republic and possessed a relatively homogeneous population. It had already turned its face toward the free market economy and integration with Europe. It trusted its developed economy. It received support from Germany, with which it had historical ties and which backed it. It pursued a nationalist policy that excluded and belittled the federated republics in poorer and weaker positions. Croatia, too, trusted its economic power. It was a federated republic where nationalism was influential.
Macedonia, Yugoslavia’s poorest federated republic, and Bosnia-Herzegovina, its most ethnically mixed, wanted the federation to continue its existence in the form of a loose confederation. Both feared a federation that did not include Slovenia and Croatia. In October 1990, Croatia and Slovenia proposed transforming the federation into a loose confederation. Macedonia and Bosnia-Herzegovina supported the thesis of a federation of sovereign states. Serbia and Montenegro, however, demanded a centralized federal system. (5)
The reason Bosnia-Herzegovina—which desired a loose federation—was the country that least wanted the dissolution of the federation was primarily due to the complexity of its ethnic, religious, and cultural structure; other reasons included the fragility of its economy and its military weakness.
The political and social tension, which was running quite high, became fully exposed with a football match played in the Croatian capital, Zagreb. The events that transpired before the Dinamo Zagreb – Red Star match at Maksimir Stadium on May 13, 1990—Croatian footballer Zvonimir Boban kicking a police officer, injured police, fighting fans—demonstrated that living together was no longer possible. The process of division was ignited by a football match played between Croatian and Serbian teams.
Shortly after this event, on July 2, 1990, the Slovenian national assembly, followed by the Croatian national assembly, made decisions for independence. On June 25, 1991, the two republics, unable to agree with the Serbs in the federation administration, officially declared their independence. On June 27, the federal army, under Serbian control, intervened in Slovenia and Croatia. Slovenia was ready for war, having quietly invested in its defense and taken the necessary steps for two years. It was the federal army that was not sufficiently prepared. Slovenia won the war. On the 10th day of the war, the federal army was forced to request a ceasefire. In Croatia, the federal army seized one-fourth of the country, and the war ended in January 1992.
Ultimately, Yugoslavia disintegrated in 1992. Conflicts, and particularly genocides and massacres against Muslim Bosniaks, occurred on the country’s fragmented lands. Even though they separated, deep divergences of opinion and crises of confidence came to the fore among the states that would continue to live as neighbors in the same region. The winner was US and European imperialism.
References
- Oral Sander, Siyasi Tarih 1918-1994 [Political History 1918-1994], İmge Kitabevi, Ankara, 1994, pp. 493-494.
- Tanıl Bora, Yeni Dünya Düzeninin Av Sahası [Hunting Ground of the New World Order], Birikim Yayınları, Istanbul, 1994, p. 55.
- Murat Taşar, Burhan Metin, Altay Ünaltay, Bosna- Hersek ve Postmodern Ortaçağa Giriş [Bosnia-Herzegovina and Introduction to the Postmodern Middle Ages], Birleşik Yayıncılık, Istanbul, 1996, p. 109.
- Mehmet Atay, “Balkan Jeopolitiğini Etkileyen ve Değiştiren Politik- Askeri Gelişmelere Kısa Bakış” [A Brief Look at Political-Military Developments Affecting and Changing Balkan Geopolitics], Avrasya Dosyası, Spring-Summer 1998, Vol: 4, pp. 112 – 113.
- Emin Gürses, Milliyetçi Hareketler ve Uluslararası Sistem [Nationalist Movements and the International System], Bağlam Yayınları, Istanbul, 1998, p. 185.
Opinion
Macroeconomic consequences of asymmetric UAV attacks in Russia
Today, the nature of asymmetric threats is undergoing a profound transformation, with their focus shifting increasingly toward economic centers. By mid-2026, the nature of asymmetric warfare within the borders of the Russian Federation entered a qualitatively new and critical phase.
An analysis of the Ukrainian unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) strikes carried out in July 2026 reveals a deliberate shift in targeting. Moving beyond military installations and fuel-energy infrastructure, these attacks directly targeted civilian logistics networks and critical nodes of the macroeconomic infrastructure.
The primary objective of this strategic shift is to deplete the country’s internal resources, induce insurmountable disruptions in supply chains, and exert intense psychological pressure on the civilian population.
Large-scale, coordinated strikes on the distribution centers of Wildberries—Russia’s largest e-commerce platform and part of the RVB joint venture (formed by the 2024 merger of Wildberries and Russ)—became the symbol of this new phase of home-front vulnerability. The geographic scope of these attacks, spanning an unprecedented area from the Northwestern Federal District to Southern Russia and Crimea, exposed critical gaps in national industrial risk insurance mechanisms. Furthermore, this situation sparked severe legal disputes between platform economy giants and small businesses, compelling immediate intervention from both corporate executives and senior state officials.
Tracing the multi-layered consequences of the kinetic impacts resulting from these July attacks on the state’s digital and physical economy will shape the new architecture of civilian sector security.
The zenith of the logistical terror waged by Ukraine was recorded on the night of July 24, 2026, marking the most technically complex UAV attack inflicted on Russian Federation territory since the beginning of the year. According to data from the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, domestic air defense systems detected and destroyed 571 fixed-wing Ukrainian UAVs that night.
Two points have become exceptionally critical here: saturating radar fields and the military “swarm” effect. In short, this event is the clearest indication that the enemy has transitioned to a tactic of overwhelming radar systems. At the same time, the “swarm” effect generated across a vast geographic expanse aims to rapidly deplete the ammunition of anti-aircraft missile systems and expose air defense positions deep behind the front lines.
The breadth of the targeted geography attests to the unprecedented scale of the operation. UAVs were neutralized over the Belgorod, Bryansk, Kaluga, Kursk, Leningrad, Novgorod, Oryol, Pskov, Ryazan, Smolensk, Tver, Tula, and Vladimir regions, as well as over Moscow, Krasnodar, the Republic of Crimea, and the waters of the Azov and Black Seas.
Such a dense dispersion of targets across a vast territory points to an attempt to paralyze transportation and logistics arteries within Russia’s European landmass.
In parallel with the mass deployment of UAVs, missile strikes were also conducted against civilian industrial enterprises. During the same period, a missile attack on a local enterprise in the Fileyka district of Kirov resulted in outright catastrophe, leaving 6 people dead and 32 employees injured with varying degrees of severity.
Following the incident, Regional Governor Aleksandr Sokolov stated that the situation required not only the evacuation of the wounded, but also large-scale interventions such as restoring water and power supplies and auditing the security of neighboring settlements. This combined approach—employing inexpensive kamikaze drones to degrade air defenses followed immediately by missile strikes on unprotected industrial zones—presents an entirely new threat paradigm for the civilian economy.
Systematic and sequential attacks directed at the facilities of a single commercial entity completely eliminate the possibility of coincidence. The strategic, macroeconomic, and psychological factors turning civilian commercial warehouses into critical vulnerabilities for an entire state rest upon four pillars:
- Role as the central circulatory system of domestic trade: Wildberries plays a critical role in the architecture of the modern Russian economy, connecting millions of consumers with tens of thousands of SMEs. Damage to distribution centers severe supply chains, triggering localized shortages of essential consumer goods and regional inflationary spikes. The primary goal is to destabilize the domestic market and create an artificial supply vacuum.
- Immense facility footprints and defense complexity: Spanning hundreds of thousands of square meters across the nation, these hangars constitute massive targets with high radar contrast. Unlike military bases, these commercial warehouses cannot possess their own air defense systems; placing every such facility under an air defense umbrella is physically impossible without compromising frontline systems.
- Social and psychological impact: In the eyes of the public, logistics centers symbolize daily economic stability. Black plumes of smoke visible from miles away, massive fires, and civilian casualties represent a hybrid terror tactic designed to transport an atmosphere of fear deep into peaceful cities and shake the internal socio-political climate.
- Magnified radius of economic impact: Inventory consumed by flames in these warehouses generally consists of stock purchased by merchants on credit. The destruction of commodity inventories holds the potential to cause mass vendor bankruptcies, bank loan defaults, and cascading layoffs across small businesses.
The events of July 2026 mark an irreversible shift in the threat landscape facing Russian commerce and macroeconomics. Attacks directed at Wildberries hubs in regions such as St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Tambov exposed the utter vulnerability of civilian logistics infrastructure.
Deploying relatively inexpensive unmanned aerial vehicles, the enemy is capable of inflicting tens of billions of rubles in direct damage, paralyzing the supply of essential goods, and triggering an acute social crisis in which hundreds of thousands of entrepreneurs face the threat of bankruptcy. According to Russian experts, the total cost of a single fire—similar to the Kotovsk incident on July 18—can range between 50 and 100 billion Rubles ($630 million – $1.2 billion USD).
Despite its massive capital reserves, corporate business was caught unprepared for military threats. The medium-term survival of the e-commerce economy depends on the state and the private sector uniting to engineer unprecedented systemic solutions. Establishing compensation funds and introducing mandatory risk-distribution mechanisms are critical steps that must be taken.
Logistics hubs will remain open targets unless a “state program for subsidized reinsurance of military risks” is established for the critical nodes of the civilian economy. In the future, it will not suffice for large enterprises merely to pour capital into the physical protection of infrastructure; they must also deeply decentralize their logistics networks to prevent the concentration of goods and capital at single points of failure.
Opinion
Egypt Under Fire: What Does the Damietta Strike Mean for Global Energy Markets?
Dr. Ahmed Moustafa, Director & Founder, Asia Center for Studies & Translation, Egypt
For the first time since successive waves of escalation between Washington and Tehran began in recent months, an Egyptian liquefied natural gas (LNG) export facility has become a direct target.
In the early hours of Wednesday, 29 July 2026, at least one drone struck the floating storage unit Energos Winter, owned and operated by a U.S. company and sailing under the Marshall Islands flag, while it was moored at the Mediterranean port of Damietta. The impact ignited a fire that spread to a neighboring LNG carrier, GasLog Salem. Egyptian authorities confirmed that the blaze was brought under control without any reported casualties, while no group had claimed responsibility for the attack at the time of writing.

A Broader Context That Cannot Be Ignored
The incident did not occur in a vacuum. It came only hours after the United States Central Command (CENTCOM) announced that it had conducted joint strikes with Saudi forces targeting armed factions in Iraq accused of launching drone attacks against Saudi oil facilities. Tehran responded by warning against a “miscalculation,” at a time when the Middle East is still grappling with the repercussions of an earlier round of escalation that erupted on 8 July, when U.S. forces carried out strikes inside Iranian territory following an attack on a commercial vessel in the Strait of Hormuz. Iran retaliated with attacks targeting U.S. military bases in Bahrain, Jordan, Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, and the Sultanate of Oman.
Against this tense backdrop, Damietta appears to represent yet another link in the chain of regional escalation—but an exceptional one. For decades, Egypt has sought to keep itself removed from direct military polarization in the region, unlike several Gulf states that have increasingly become arenas of open confrontation.
At the same time, this interpretation does not entirely rule out the possibility of an indirect Israeli role, driven by hostility toward Egypt’s growing diplomatic influence in the Palestinian and Gaza files. Cairo has remained committed to advancing the two-state solution and to implementing the second and third phases of the peace roadmap agreed upon following the Sharm El-Sheikh Peace Summit last October. The Israeli government, led by Benjamin Netanyahu, has sought to obstruct these efforts. Netanyahu, who is the subject of arrest warrants issued by the International Criminal Court, is widely accused of bearing responsibility for committing genocide that, according to Palestinian authorities, have resulted in the deaths of approximately 73,000 Palestinian civilians since 7 October 2023.
Why Egypt?
Over the past two years, Egypt has steadily strengthened its position as a regional hub for liquefying and re-exporting natural gas. This growing role has been supported by its two LNG plants at Idku and Damietta, in addition to a network of pipelines linking the country with Israel and Cyprus.
This infrastructure—unmatched elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean in terms of combined liquefaction capacity and direct access to European and global markets—has transformed Damietta and Idku into critical gateways for Eastern Mediterranean gas, including increasing volumes of Israeli/Stolen Palestinian natural gas liquefied and re-exported through Egyptian facilities.
According to local reports, the Energos Winter alone was supplying approximately 450 million cubic feet of gas per day to Egypt’s national grid and was preparing to receive four additional cargoes during August.
This expanding role gives any attack on Egypt’s gas infrastructure significance far beyond the immediate incident itself. It threatens not only Egypt’s domestic energy supplies but also a supply chain upon which Europe has increasingly relied as part of its strategy to diversify away from Russian natural gas.
Who Was Behind the Attack? Open Scenarios
At the time of writing, no organization had officially claimed responsibility, leaving several possible interpretations.
The first scenario cautions against prematurely attributing responsibility to Iran or its regional allies. It argues that the ambiguity surrounding the incident—and the absence of any claim of responsibility—may itself be deliberate, allowing whichever actor carried out the attack to undermine Egyptian stability without incurring immediate political costs.
This possibility includes actors competing over Eastern Mediterranean energy routes, as well as local or transnational groups pursuing agendas unrelated to the U.S.-Iran confrontation. Egyptian officials themselves have adopted a notably cautious approach. Egypt’s Minister of Information warned against “rushing to accuse any party,” while a former official suggested that “certain actors are seeking to drag Egypt into the conflict,” implying that the attack may have been designed precisely to draw Cairo into a confrontation it has consistently sought to avoid.
A second scenario, Israeli Involvement or the Involvement of Israel’s Allies
This, in itself, remains a serious hypothesis that is reportedly being discussed in undisclosed investigative circles. The prevailing analyses, supported by pro-Israeli and pro-American narratives, have largely centered on suspicions directed at Iran or Iran-aligned actors within the context of the ongoing conflict, rather than at Tel Aviv. This is partly because Israel maintains an energy partnership with Egypt, making any attack on an Egyptian export terminal potentially detrimental to its own natural gas interests.
Nevertheless, this hypothesis—like all others—must ultimately be assessed in light of the findings of the official investigations, which are still underway. It is worth recalling, however, that repeated warnings have been voiced regarding the visits of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Washington, as such visits have often been followed by heightened regional instability, as was argued after developments last December. According to this line of analysis, Netanyahu seeks to prolong the conflict with Iran in order to strengthen his domestic political position, secure his continuation in office, and advance Israel’s long-term strategic objective of neutralizing Iran and carrying out “Greater Israel.”
Within this framework, some analysts argue that there are broader efforts to weaken both Egypt and Türkey. They cite remarks attributed to a former Mossad operative during appearances on Israeli television, alleging that such a strategy would also serve to divert international attention away from the Gaza file and the question of Palestinian statehood—an issue on which Egypt has intensified its diplomatic efforts in recent days. According to this interpretation, creating indirect pressure on Egypt—the region’s most stable and secure state—could be viewed as a means of drawing Cairo into a wider regional confrontation.
A third scenario links the incident directly to the broader U.S.-Iran escalation. According to the article, The New York Times, citing two Iranian sources, reported that the attack may have been intended as a signal that global shipping and energy supplies could face deeper disruptions should Tehran or its allies choose to escalate further. The sources, however, did not identify the perpetrators or specify the launch point of the drone.
The Messages Behind the Attack
Regardless of who carried out the operation, the choice of target sends several important signals. An attack on what the article describes as the first American-owned energy asset on Egyptian soil would convey a message to Washington that not only its military installations in the Gulf, but also its economic footprint across the region, has become increasingly vulnerable.
For Egypt, which has consistently pursued a policy of strategic restraint and regional neutrality, the incident serves as a reminder that its geographic position—adjacent to some of the world’s most important energy and maritime corridors—no longer guarantees insulation from the conflicts unfolding around it.
For global markets, the attack suggests that the geographic scope of potential disruption is expanding beyond the Strait of Hormuz and the Arabian Gulf into the Eastern Mediterranean, increasing insurance premiums for shipping and critical energy infrastructure in a region long regarded as comparatively secure.
Egypt’s Official Response
The Egyptian government handled the incident with considerable caution and procedural professionalism, treating it primarily as a crisis-management operation rather than a political event.
The Cabinet confirmed that the fire had been caused by a drone attack without attributing responsibility to any specific party, emphasizing that investigations were continuing “to take all necessary measures to safeguard Egypt’s interests and national security.”
Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly described the response as a test of the state’s crisis-management capabilities, praising emergency teams for successfully moving the burning vessels away from the port, thereby preventing what could have become a far larger disaster.
President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi addressed the incident publicly for the first time during a telephone conversation with Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. During the call, he confirmed that the competent authorities were conducting a comprehensive investigation, warned of the dangers posed by the escalating regional situation, and stressed the importance of cooperation between Egypt and the international community to contain the crisis while adhering to peaceful solutions.
This measured diplomatic approach—avoiding direct accusations while emphasizing de-escalation—reflects Cairo’s determination not to be drawn into a broader regional confrontation despite having come under direct attack on its own territory.
Several Gulf states also expressed their full solidarity with Egypt and voiced support for its efforts to safeguard its national security and sovereignty.
The Impact on Global Energy Markets
The Damietta incident occurred at a time when global energy markets were already under considerable strain. Brent crude had been hovering around US$90 per barrel following the escalation of 8 July, while the European Title Transfer Facility (TTF) benchmark for natural gas had climbed above US$700 per 1,000 cubic meters for the first time since March.
Any additional disruption affecting an Egyptian LNG export terminal risks reinforcing this upward trend. Europe has increasingly relied on Egyptian liquefied natural gas as part of its broader strategy to diversify supplies away from Russian pipeline gas. Consequently, even a temporary interruption to Egypt’s export infrastructure could heighten market concerns over supply security.
The incident also adds to the geopolitical risk premium already factored into insurance costs for vessels operating in the Eastern Mediterranean. Higher perceived risks could translate into increased shipping and insurance costs for LNG carriers throughout the region, even if subsequent investigations conclude that the attack was an isolated event unlikely to be repeated.
What Should Be Done to Prevent Similar Incidents?
First, Egypt should further strengthen its short-range air defense capabilities and counter-drone systems around strategic energy installations along its Mediterranean coastline. This includes deploying advanced early-warning radar networks and cost-effective interception systems capable of neutralizing small unmanned aerial vehicles before they reach critical infrastructure.
Second, broader regional intelligence-sharing mechanisms should be expanded among Egypt and neighboring states—including Cyprus, Greece, and Türkiye—in recognition of the increasingly interconnected nature of Eastern Mediterranean gas infrastructure and the shared strategic importance of safeguarding regional energy corridors.
Third, given that the targeted floating storage unit is owned by a U.S. company, Washington should contribute to financing and modernizing the protection of such critical infrastructure rather than limiting its response to statements indicating that it is merely “monitoring the situation,” as the article characterizes the U.S. reaction.
Finally—and perhaps most importantly—reducing the broader cycle of regional escalation between Washington and Tehran remains the only sustainable guarantee against similar incidents in the future. Any purely technical or localized security measures can mitigate immediate risks but cannot eliminate them so long as the underlying geopolitical drivers of confrontation remain unresolved.
Conclusion
The Damietta incident serves as a stark reminder that geographic neutrality alone is no longer sufficient to shield a country that has become a pivotal node in the global energy network.
References:
1- https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c39ez3klwmro
4- https://www.nytimes.com/2026/07/29/world/middleeast/ships-drone-strike-egypt.html
Opinion
Rising populist parties in Europe and liberalism
Leon Trotsky, one of the foremost leaders of the October Revolution, defined fascism as the totalitarian organization of society by monopoly capital. Magnates of large-scale monopoly capital are acutely aware that their profits cannot be safeguarded in the absence of authoritarian political power. Thus, fascism finds its bedrock of support among capitalist forces, the grand bourgeoisie, monopoly capital circles, and major landowners. We are all too familiar with the calamities fascism wrought upon the world in the era preceding the Second World War.
The post–World War II era is often commemorated as the golden age of capitalism—a period characterized by robust growth rates and low unemployment. Real wages climbed, social rights expanded, demands for a welfare state remained vibrant, and the pursuit of a social state yielded tangible results. This era ultimately met its demise in the 1970s, undone by shifts in the regime of accumulation and structural economic crises.
Today, across Europe, political parties that could virtually be characterized as the direct successors to pre-WWII fascist movements are consolidating their electoral gains. Germany, France, and Italy serve as quintessential examples. These parties weaponize poverty, unemployment, and anti-foreigner, anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim, and anti-Middle Eastern sentiments, while capitalizing on the incompetence of traditional center-right and center-left parties and taking a deeply Eurosceptic, critical stance toward the European Union. They employ caustic rhetoric against the political elites who have dominated governance for decades. Receiving endorsement from both US President Trump and Russian leader Putin, they draw substantial support simultaneously from working-class constituencies—traditionally the bedrock of the left—and from grand capital circles. While monopoly capital quietly pats these populist movements on the back, it simultaneously winks at liberal-democratic and increasingly indistinguishable social-democratic parties that champion unbridled capitalism and aggressive liberalism. Beyond France and Germany, examples abound from Italy to the United Kingdom…
The interests of grand capital, which back populist regimes and advocate authoritarian governance, also champion localization. For the erosion of the national, the public, and the collective—alongside the attenuation of the central state and the elevation of the local—works decisively to the advantage of big capital.
Why?
Because of this:
Under liberalism, the state does not regulate the market; rather, the market regulates, directs, and subdues both the state and society. In a liberal order, the state is expected to act on behalf of capital and in favor of the market—intervening in politics, society, and the law, and enacting statutory frameworks strictly to this end. The state is tasked with engineering legal and institutional arrangements for the market’s account and benefit. Society is reduced to a market-society, wherein the citizen is reimagined as a consumer, a client, and an entrepreneur. Since competition is elevated as the supreme imperative, citizens themselves must become entrepreneurial and competitive—a posture the state actively promotes and incentivizes.
According to liberals, the state bears no obligation to shield its citizens from the pitiless mechanics of the market or the ferocity of unchecked capitalism. On the contrary, the state demands and encourages that citizens establish themselves as entrepreneurial actors within the market arena. Consequently, the state aligns itself with capital, operating at its beck and call. Hence, liberalism harbors an innate preference for unorganized, non-unionized, cheap labor. Wages are suppressed; agricultural subsidies are gutted to a minimum; and strikes are banned on the flimsiest of pretexts.
Because liberalism insists that the state be sculpted, organized, and driven according to market demands—allowing the market to command and direct the state—the liberal vision of the nexus between politics and economics, as well as politics and law, is deeply fractured. In their worldview, law must operate exclusively to the advantage of capital, acting as the vigilant sentinel for the inviolability of property rights. It must dismantle every obstacle standing in the way of free trade, unbridled competition, and the free market, while swiftly and severely penalizing any force that dares to impede them. To conform to the expectations and demands of capital: this is the primary imperative required of the law.
In sum, through its championing of identity politics, its reduction of the citizen to a mere client, and its liquidation of the state’s social character in order to place public power at the disposal of capital, liberalism stands fundamentally opposed to the social, the public, and the national. This is a truth that must be firmly impressed upon left-liberals, nationalist-liberals, and conservative-liberals alike.
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