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Berlusconi’s legacy: Christian Europe united by a free market spirit

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Italy was the most important country where an ‘anti-fascist consensus’ was established after the Second World War, albeit at an official level. The adoption of universal suffrage, the creation of the Constituent Assembly and the drafting of the Constitution were participated in by all the forces involved in the antifascist liberation struggle. The anti-fascist struggle in Italy had also turned into a war of liberation with the occupying Nazi Germany and the establishment of the collaborationist ‘Salo Republic’.

“Albeit at the official level” we said. Although the Italian Communist Party (PCI), the main organization of the partisans who were the vanguard of the anti-fascist resistance, was included in this consensus, the regime in Italy was controlled by a party of order, with the Christian Democrats (DC) at its center, at the behest of the US and NATO. This party of order did not hesitate to use its striking power against the communists through Gladio and the mafia. The PCI, even though it did not seek power, was another country within the country, another society within Italian society. Its prestige was high due to its sacrifices in the resistance. It was organized within the working class. In the 1976 elections, it received 34.4 percent of the vote and caused considerable fear in the establishment.

This, roughly speaking, reflected the balance of forces in the Italian First Republic. In the 1980s, two important transformations began to take place: First, the Italian establishment shifted to a strategy of high interest rates and currency devaluation, with the plan of full integration into the European common market. This was a strategy with which we were very familiar: Under the guise of ‘competitiveness’, lowering labor costs, cutting consumption of working people, reducing access to credit for small producers, intensive financialization and a partial transfer of sovereignty to Brussels. The second and perhaps more surprising development was the rapid adaptation of the PCI to these austerity policies. Italian communism may have begun to poison itself earlier, but it meant that a critical threshold had been crossed. It is very telling that the PCI’s vote in the last elections in 1987, in which it participated as a party, fell to its lowest level in 20 years.

It meant that the balance of forces on which the First Republic had been based was overturned. With the end of the Cold War, the corruption, nepotism, state-mafioso collaboration of the Italian Socialist Party (PSI), which was one of the wings of the party of order along with the DC, was being exposed. This period, known in our country as the ‘Clean Hands’ operation, marked the end of the First Republic in Italy and ushered in the ‘magistrate’ rule.

It was around this time, as the magistrate administration was running out of steam, an unknown boss announced that he would take the field to ‘fight communism’.

But was there communism left?

The PCI refashioned and renamed itself the Party of the Democratic Left (PDS). Considering the PDS reformist, the revolutionaries formed the Communist Refoundation Party. The latter group was also appreciated decently by former PCI voters. The 1993 local elections resulted in a decisive defeat for the DC and a partial victory for the PDS.

So Silvio Berlusconi began his fight against communism with the local election victory of the men of order in ties who were in fact whipping a dead horse. He declared the end of ‘party politics’ for Italy and said that the country would be governed by ‘completely new people’ in the new era. There was no more ‘popolo’ (people), there was ‘gente comune’ (ordinary people). The fate of Italy would no longer be decided by the people, but by the ‘free association of the electorate’. Against the ‘cartel of leftist forces’, he called for a ‘pole of freedom’ that would combine free enterprise and love of work with the family values of Catholic Italy.

Berlusconi was waging a war against the ‘traditional elites’ (i.e. those entrenched in the balance of power of the First Republic) and demanding an end to the Clean Hands operations.

Berlusconi challenged politics and politicians, arguing that only with a business spirit could the state become functional again.

It should not be surprising that the Lega, one of the critics of this ‘cumbersome state-business spirit’, today forms a coalition with Berlusconi’s party. It should also come as no surprise that a large proportion of DC voters in the First Republic voted for Forza Italia. After the electoral law was changed in 1993, there was a shift towards American-style two-party rule. Here Berlusconi took his place on the Italian political scene as the main element that carried the old DC mass base into the new era. In the Second Republic, where the mass base was marginalized and organizational politics was declared redundant, personalities came to the fore, and the figure of the leader who came into contact with the ‘electorate’ took the place of the man of the organization. The late Berlusconi was also working to establish this order. His media empire was the most important tool in creating a ‘charismatic’ figure. He would recreate the Italian right in his own image.

Contrary to what those who referred to him after his death as a ‘lover of national sovereignty’ might think, like all Italian parties in the 1990s and 2000s, he saw the EU as an external element that would ‘normalize’ Italy, as a tool that would free the state from sluggishness by forming fiscal discipline.

Together with his alliances with the Brothers of Italy and the Lega, he worked hard to establish an ‘anti-political’ right-wing discourse, now called the ‘post-fascist consensus’. His aphorism “Mussolini was not that bad dictator” describes this consensus well. The anti-fascist insurgents, the main engine of the First Republic, are now portrayed as just as brutal, cruel and violent as the fascists. Fascist shock troops and anti-fascist partisans deserve to be referred to together as ‘children of this land’. It is such a farce that the President of the Senate, Ignazio La Russa of the Brothers of Italy, who said that there was no anti-fascism in the Italian Constitution, was able to attend the ‘Liberation Day’ ceremonies a few days later. Even worse, the same Russa still has a bust of Mussolini in his house, an heirloom of his father.

It was unthinkable that this consensus, which had been reinforced by the PDS’s shift to the ‘center’, would not be shaken by the 2008 crisis. The first solution to this crisis was the domination of technocratic governments, adherence to Brussels and the mania for privatization. The technocratic governments imposed on Italy a wave of marketization that even Berlusconi at times hesitated to undertake. This period saw the disintegration of parties on the left and the right: The Democratic Party and Berlusconi were losing. Meanwhile, the mafioso leader was being investigated for corruption (a commonplace in Italian politics) and sidelined. By the 2018 general elections, the combined vote of the Democratic Party and Forza Italia did not even reach 33 percent. Henceforth, the 5 Star Movement (M5S) of comedian Beppe Grillo, an internet phenomenon, and the Lega, which took an ‘Italian nationalist’ position by trying to disassociate itself from the north, were at opposite ends of the political theatre. The M5S leader at the time, Luigi Di Maio, was not afraid to state the obvious: The Second Republic dominated by Berlusconi and the ‘center-left’ was dying.

That he is the symbol of the Second Republic should not mislead anyone. He always had friends in the First Republic too. Although he was never a member, he had very good relations with the PSI, the party of order of the first republic. With the collapse of the Second Republic, the fact that he managed to reinvent himself and throw himself into the right-wing coalition should be considered a success.

From now on, it seems inevitable that Forza Italia will be swallowed up by the other coalition partners. If the matter is charisma, Meloni and Salvini seem to have it all. Moreover, he seemed to have overcome his occasional polemics with Brussels: At the party congress, which he attended from his sickbed, he emphasized European unity against ‘Chinese imperialism’, differentiated his party from the likes of Marine Le Pen, and secured his place in the ‘center-right’ European People’s Party (EPP) in the European Parliament. This is the ‘legacy’ of the Second Republic and Berlusconi’s death: Christian Europe and Italian values, united by a free market spirit.

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Le Pen wins first round of French elections

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The first round of the snap National Assembly elections, called by French President Emmanuel Macron following his heavy defeat in the European Parliament elections, took place on 30 June.

According to preliminary results, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally (RN) party came first with around 33% of the vote, while the New Popular Front (NFP) came second with 28%. Macron’s alliance, All Together for the Republic (Ensemble), received 21% of the vote, while the conservative Les Républicains received 10%.

If no candidate in a constituency wins an absolute majority (more than 50% of the votes cast) in the first round, a run-off election is held.

This is the case in most constituencies. According to preliminary results, only 39 candidates from the RN, which has 297 MPs, have won an absolute majority in their constituencies.

The second round will take place on 7 July and will be between the top two candidates from the first round. However, any candidate who received the votes of at least 12.5 per cent of registered voters in the first round can also participate in the second round. The candidate with the most votes in the second round wins the seat, even if there is no absolute majority.

Therefore, even if the RN were to win the first round, it is currently uncertain whether they would have an absolute majority (289 seats) in parliament.

Le Pen wants ‘absolute majority’

Le Pen declared that her party had “practically wiped out” Emmanuel Macron after winning the first round of the election.

Speaking after the results were announced, Le Pen said she would seek an “absolute majority” in the second round of voting next Sunday.

Addressing her supporters after the polls closed, Le Pen said: “Democracy has spoken and the French have almost wiped out the Macron camp and put the RN and its allies in the lead. We need an absolute majority so that [RN leader] Jordan Bardella can be appointed prime minister within a week,” she said.

Le Pen was re-elected as MP for Hénin-Beaumont in the first round after winning more than 50% of the vote.

‘No vote for the RN’ statement by Mélenchon

Jean-Luc Mélenchon, leader of France Without a Front (LFI), the main party of the New Popular Front (NFP), said on Sunday that Macron’s alliance had suffered a “heavy and undeniable” defeat in the snap elections and called on the French people to vote against the far right.

The LFI leader said he would withdraw his candidates in constituencies where his party came third and the RN was leading ahead of the run-off.

“Our instructions are simple, direct and clear. Not one more vote, not one more seat for the RN,” Mélenchon said.

The LFI leader also called on voters to give “an absolute majority to the New Popular Front”.

“The country will have to make a choice,” Mélenchon said in a statement from his party’s campaign headquarters. He argued that the options for Sunday’s second round were “either the New Popular Front or national unity”.

Macron calls for a ‘broad alliance against the right’

For his part, Macron called for a “broad alliance” to prevent the victory of the “extreme right”.

“The time has come for a great, openly democratic and republican rally against the National Rally for a second round,” he said.

Prime Minister Gabriel Attal argued that “not a single vote should go to the National Rally”.

Warning that “the far right is on the verge of power”, Attal said his party would abandon its candidacy in 60 constituencies to support “republican” candidates against the RN.

Demonstration against the RN in Paris

Meanwhile, thousands of people took to the streets of Paris to protest against the RN’s victory.

“I’m really worried about the far right coming to power,” Alban, a 23-year-old student who requested anonymity, told POLITICO. Alban said they still had a week to go and would “keep fighting”.

Reuters later broadcast video of protesters setting off fireworks as they marched through Paris. BFMTV reported that 200 police had been deployed in Lyon to deal with the protests.

The ‘security cordon’ has collapsed and will collapse again

A week of political bargaining will now begin as centre and left parties decide whether to withdraw from individual seats to prevent the RN, long excluded from mainstream French politics, from winning a majority.

In the past, when the RN has made a strong showing in the first round of voting, centre and left parties have joined forces to prevent it from taking office under a principle previously known as ‘cordon sanitaire’.

After Jean-Marie Le Pen, Le Pen’s father and the decades-long leader of the RN’s predecessor, the National Front, unexpectedly defeated Socialist candidate Lionel Jospin in the 2002 presidential election, the Socialists threw their weight behind centre-right candidate Jacques Chirac, giving him a landslide victory in the second round.

Marine Tondelier, leader of the Greens, seen as the more “moderate” part of the NFP, made a personal plea to Macron to withdraw from some seats to prevent the RN from winning a majority.

“We are counting on you: withdraw if you come third in a three-way race, and if you don’t make it to the second round, ask your supporters to vote for a candidate who supports republican values,” Tondelier said.

Bardella hits Popular Front, not Macron

In his speech last night, RN leader Jordan Bardella, who wants to become prime minister if his party wins on 7 July, did not criticise Macron’s camp, but instead attacked the National Front.

Bardella said the New Popular Front was “an existential threat to the French nation” and accused the NFP of wanting to disarm the police and open France’s borders to migrants, and of having “no moral limits”.

“It is time to give power to leaders who understand you, who care about you,” the RN leader told voters.

AfD wants RN to win

The RN also received support from the Alternative for Germany (AfD), from which it had recently distanced itself.

AfD leader Alice Weidel said she hoped for a decisive victory for the RN in the French parliamentary elections, although she acknowledged that there was a rift between the parties that would be difficult to heal.

Weidel told the Financial Times that she was “hopeful” for the RN and optimistic that its leader, Jordan Bardella, would become France’s youngest ever prime minister.

Weidel said he had “full confidence in Bardella and the RN’s ability to shake up their country”, while Bernd Baumann, leader of the AfD in the Bundestag, said the RN’s popularity showed that the entire European right “has the wind in its sails”.

“Giorgia Meloni, Marine Le Pen, the FPÖ in Austria, all this is a confirmation for us and shows that we are on the right side of history,” Baumann said.

But Weidel conceded that the AfD and RN had little chance of overcoming the dispute that led to their expulsion from the Identity and Democracy (ID) group in the European Parliament in May, following a series of scandals involving the German party.

Weidel said the AfD was looking for new partners and was trying to form its own group.

Weidel also insisted that he had “no grudge” against Marine Le Pen, the RN’s parliamentary leader.

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Serbia-Kosovo negotiations collapse

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The European Union’s attempt to breathe new life into stalled negotiations between Serbia and Kosovo has collapsed after the Serbian president and Kosovo prime minister failed to meet as planned.

The meeting, which was due to take place almost a year after the two leaders last met, came after repeated failed negotiations.

Both Serbian President Aleksandar Vucic and Kosovo Prime Minister Albin Kurti met separately with EU representatives, but according to EU chief diplomat Josep Borrell, there was no progress in implementing the agreement and no trilateral meeting.

Talks between Serbia and Kosovo aimed at reaching a major agreement that would pave the way for the normalisation of relations broke down last year.

During a summit in North Macedonia in March, Vucic refused to sign the EU- and US-backed Ohrid Agreement, citing pain in his right hand that would “probably last for years”.

Diplomats continued to call for its implementation, but the unsigned agreement was not implemented by either side.

Borrell said the EU “will continue to put all its efforts and capacities behind the normalisation of relations between Kosovo and Serbia”.

Borrell said those efforts would continue next week when he hosts the two negotiators in Brussels.

Vucic blamed Kurti for the lack of talks, saying his Kosovar counterpart “did not dare to meet”.

Kurti countered that he had set conditions for talks with Vucic, including the surrender of Milan Radoicic, the former vice-president of Kosovo’s leading Serb party, who confessed to leading a commando team that ambushed a Kosovo police patrol in September last year.

As last year’s talks collapsed, riots broke out in Serb-majority areas of northern Kosovo.

Tensions escalated further after Pristina made the euro the only legal currency in its territory in February, effectively banning the use of the Serbian dinar.

This put pressure on Serbia’s ability to continue funding a parallel health, education and social security system for Kosovo Serbs.

Kurti defended the move as a means of stemming the flow of large sums of money from Serbia into Kosovo and bringing organised crime groups to heel.

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EU seeks defence partnerships with Japan and South Korea

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The European Union (EU) may seek security and defence partnerships with Japan and South Korea, paving the way for wider joint development projects in the defence industry, Nikkei Asia reported.

“We hope to develop partnerships with Japan and South Korea to work more closely together,” a senior European Commission official told Nikkei, adding that the security environment in Europe and Asia has changed dramatically.

Brussels is aiming for a ministerial-level agreement with Japan by the end of the year.

Brussels also has security and defence partnerships with non-EU countries such as Norway. Establishing a similar partnership with an Asian country would be a first.

Japan and the EU share common challenges such as relatively small national defence industries, high R&D and production costs, and dependence on US contractors.

There is also a proposal to increase opportunities for Japanese companies to participate in EU-led defence R&D programmes. The EU could provide funding for projects between Japanese and European companies.

Working with European companies could provide Japan with opportunities to develop defence technology, reduce costs and expand hardware sales channels.

For the EU, the partnership would provide a basis for defence industrial cooperation with Japan, offer opportunities for joint equipment development and increase supply options.

Meanwhile, South Korea is also increasing its arms exports to Europe. Poland has placed large orders for South Korean K2 tanks and K9 howitzers. Romania, Finland and Estonia are also increasing their purchases of South Korean weapons.

The EU will also consider cooperation in areas such as space, cybersecurity, disinformation and maritime security. The Japan partnership plan also includes cooperation on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, an important issue in the election campaign of Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida.

In the wake of Russia’s intervention in Ukraine, the EU published its first defence industrial strategy in March, under which member states will work together to develop and increase arms production. Recognising the EU’s limitations on its own, the bloc is seeking to deepen ties with Japan, South Korea and other Western allies in the region.

In an interview with Nikkei in June, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said that security was one of the areas in which she wanted to improve Japan-EU relations. At a summit in July, the two sides agreed to launch a ministerial-level strategic dialogue on security.

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