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From Afghanistan to Iran — humiliation and rejection

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I never thought that one day I would have to leave my motherland. Becoming an immigrant was something that I never thought of. However, the time has come that I was forced to migrate to another country and it was the repeat of history in the 1999s.

Reyhan Hossein, who had his first cry and smile in the neighboring country (Iran), said she was four years old when her parents decided to return back to Afghanistan in the hope of a better future after the formation of the Republic government in 2002 under the then president Hamid Karzai. We were very happy to return back to our country and get rid of displacement and migration, Reyhan said. She said that she couldn’t explain the joy of their family at that time.

“When I was growing up by passing each day, I was happily stretched out my hand towards my native land and with long and firm steps I made my way to a land where green and eye-pleasing meadows, the wounded body of Salsal and Shamama, the tall mountains of Pamir and its Hindukush, Amu and Hari Road.

This “Salsal and Shamama” is the story of an old man and old woman who spent their whole lives to achieve peace and freedom, but their dreams remained a wish.

The people in the past buried this dream and we rotted in hope while we were alive. “My parents returned to their homeland hoping to create a better future for their children in their own country and to get rid of the deprivation they faced during immigrating. But now we’re back on the square,” she added.

Going to university with enthusiasm

Reyhan’s father bought a house in Zaman Khan Castle so that his children could study. “I went to school there, passed the entrance exam with enthusiasm and was successful in areas of philosophy and sociology at Kabul University. My happiness is indescribable as I was reaching my dreams gradually,” she added.

For her, the beginning of university was mostly a period of familiarization with courses, university environment, professors and many other things.

She said that when she entered the lessons seriously, they faced the peak of COVID-19 and only went to university on exam days. By passing COVID, she said that she was in the third year of university when the news of the fall of some provinces emerged in the media.

However, during conversation with her classmates, she said that the Taliban can’t take over Balkh province and Kabul, the capital city. However, the next day, the Taliban took control of Kabul.

The president (Ashraf Ghani) simply ran away and Kabul surrendered without a single bullet being fired, which is a good thing at least no more “blood” was perished.

“The first night, the first week, the first month and the first year, we were always waiting for something new. Some changes appeared, including that no more girls were allowed to attend universities,” she lamented. Schools for girls also closed, and the women were barred from going to workplaces and public parks. “Among them, me and my sisters were also deprived of education,” she lamented.

After the ban on education, she said that she spent the last days with difficulty and saw that there was no more space and opportunity left for her in the country except to get married and become a housewife. “This was not my target, but to escape the calamity, I came to Iran with plenty of sadness,” she lamented.

Leaving Afghanistan was not easy

“When we passed the gate of Islam Qala toward Iran, I looked back for the last time, I saw nothing but cars waiting in line to cross the border as women, men and children were coming towards Iran,” according to her.

She furthered, “The weight of homelessness is on my heart and I still dream of returning to my country Afghanistan.When I wake up, I see that I am in Iran, my heart starts to bleed and can’t control myself and starts crying.”

After a few days, she went to find a job. “I went to see two jobs and because I spoke Farsi with a Kabuli accent, they did not hire me until my aunt found me a job in a show making company.”

This is not a good job at all, she said, adding that no Iranians were working there. “I was with my aunt and I was not allowed to talk. She was talking to them and I would just keep quiet so they wouldn’t know I was new, otherwise they might not have hired me.”

Facing discrimination in Iran

She doesn’t want to take a risk by speaking out. “I had to find a job as soon as possible. I needed money. To start a life from zero, in a new city, money is key to pay the home rent, pay electricity, water, and gas bills as well as food to survive.”

She went for a three day test work so that the owner of the company could see her work. “Our job was a shoe brand with machines. For a girl who had never worked in her life, on the first day every hour passed like several days. Maybe those eight hours ended like twenty-four hours.”

Some Iranians behaved very well while some others were crucial.

“For instance, I went to a supermarket, a man said they don’t  sell anything to Afghans, and I went several times out of ignorance, and he just said they didn’t have anything.”

she  experienced this in many other markets, and said she never went again to these shops that are not selling to the Afghans.

There are millions of Afghans living in Iran, and recently Iran departed hundreds of them.

ASIA

Chinese, Russian troops hold joint exercise targeting cross-border terrorism

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China and Russia have held a joint military exercise focusing on cross-border terrorism, amid growing concern over terrorist attacks in Moscow.

The drill was held on 25 June in a river area near the Heilongjiang Bridge linking Russia’s Blagoveshchensk and China’s Heihe, the Chinese military’s official media outlet PLA Daily reported on Tuesday.

It was the first joint counter-terrorism drill between the neighbouring countries since Russia’s intervention in Ukraine.

It came just days after terrorist attacks in Russia’s southern region of Dagestan on 23 June, in which at least 22 people were killed in shootings at two synagogues, two Orthodox churches and a police station.

In March, more than 140 people were killed in an attack on a concert hall in Moscow, the deadliest terrorist attack in Russia for almost two decades. The Khorosan branch of ISIS claimed responsibility for the attack.

According to the PLA Daily, last week’s joint exercise simulated ‘terrorists trying to cross the border’ to launch an attack.

Chinese and Russian troops used aerial reconnaissance, maritime interception and land ambush to intercept and capture the terrorists during the exercise.

The exercise, which focused on improving intelligence sharing and operational coordination, showed the “firm determination” of both militaries to take effective measures to “combat all forms of terrorism, separatism and extremism” while jointly securing border areas, the report said.

The report also said that the two sides discussed further deepening border cooperation.

This is not the first time the two countries have held joint counter-terrorism exercises. In 2019, China’s People’s Armed Police took part in an exercise with the Russian National Guard in Russia.

According to Tass, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov reaffirmed the two countries’ ongoing cooperation in the fight against terrorism, including on multilateral platforms, during a meeting with his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi in April.

Aiming to strengthen law enforcement cooperation

Last week’s joint exercise follows an agreement between Chinese and Russian leaders during Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to Beijing in May to strengthen cooperation in law enforcement and defence, including by expanding joint training and exercises.

The Chinese and Russian coast guards also signed a memorandum of understanding on maritime law enforcement cooperation in April last year.

In March, China and Russia organised a naval exercise with Iran focusing on anti-piracy efforts. China and Russia also held joint naval and air exercises in the Sea of Japan, or East Sea, in July last year.

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Controversial military operations and ethnic dynamics in Pakistan’s fight against terrorism

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In a recent high-level meeting, the federal government of Pakistan announced its intention to launch a new military operation against terrorist organizations. This decision is aimed at eradicating militancy under the banner of Azm-i-Istehkam. Surprisingly, the military leadership has remained silent on this proposed operation, leaving the advocacy to political figures, notably Defense Minister Khawaja Asif of the Pakistan Muslim League (PML-N).

The Pakistan People’s Party (PPP), a significant coalition partner in the federal government, has maintained a conspicuous silence on the matter. Meanwhile, despite the approval from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s Chief Minister Ali Amin Gandapur, factions within Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) and the Sunni Ittehad Council have openly opposed the operation. This divergence in political opinion highlights the complex dynamics at play in Pakistan’s approach to counter-terrorism.

The opposition from various regional and ethnic parties, including the Pashtun Protection Movement (PTM), Pakhtunkhwa Milli Awami Party (PkMAP), and the Awami National Party (ANP), stems from deep-seated concerns about the operation’s focus and its implications. Historically, PTI and PkMAP have not been staunchly anti-Taliban. PTI’s leader, Imran Khan, has consistently opposed military actions against Taliban militants, advocating instead for dialogue. Similarly, PkMAP leader Mehmood Khan Achakzai, while ostensibly opposing terrorism, is perceived to have friendly relations with the Taliban, as evidenced by the relative safety of his party members from Taliban attacks.

Significant religious-political entities have complex stances on militancy in Pakistan

The relative safety of certain political groups, like PTM and the National Democratic Movement, from Taliban violence raises questions. Critics argue that this perceived immunity could suggest covert alliances or understandings, casting doubt on the motivations behind their opposition to the military operation.

Jamiat Ulama-e-Islam (JUI-F) and Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), both significant religious-political entities, have complex stances on militancy. JUI-F’s position has been ambiguous since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979. In contrast, JI, having reaped substantial benefits from the Afghan war, now finds itself sidelined and is striving to reassert its relevance by attempting to align with nationalist sentiments.

The media and sections of the government, particularly those influenced by Punjabi and Urdu-speaking elites, have often portrayed the Taliban as predominantly Pashtun. This narrative has led to the proposed military operation being focused on Pashtun-majority areas, such as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. Defense Minister Khawaja Asif’s statement that the operation will target these regions reinforces this perception.

Pashtun-dominated regions reject the notion that terrorism is a Pashtun phenomenon

However, leaders from Pashtun-dominated regions, like Khan Muhammad Wazir of the ANP, reject the notion that terrorism is a Pashtun phenomenon. Wazir points to the involvement of non-Pashtun militants in numerous terror attacks across Pakistan. He highlights the role of Punjabi militants in groups like the Punjabi Taliban, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, and Jamaat-ul-Ahrar, who have orchestrated some of the deadliest attacks in recent years. Wazir’s argument underscores the ethnic diversity of militant groups in Pakistan, challenging the stereotype of the Pashtun terrorist.

Wazir’s emotional plea for an operation starting in Punjab, rather than Pashtun areas, aims to shift the focus to the diverse origins of militancy. He names several key figures from Punjab involved in terrorist activities, such as Tariq Lahori of Daesh and Maulana Qasmi of Jamaat-ul-Ahrar. By highlighting these figures, Wazir seeks to demonstrate that terrorism in Pakistan is not confined to any single ethnic group.

Doubt on the narration of the proposed military operation “Azm-i-Istekham”

The insistence on a military operation in Pashtun regions, driven by a media narrative dominated by Punjabi and Urdu-speaking elites, risks alienating the Pashtun community. Wazir’s call for international intervention by entities like China, the United States, Russia, the United Nations, and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) underscores the severity of this perceived ethnic targeting. If the government and media continue to frame terrorism as a predominantly Pashtun issue, it may lead to increased ethnic tensions and further marginalize the Pashtun population.

The proposed military operation “Azm-i-Istehkam” and the political dynamics surrounding it reveal deep-seated ethnic and regional tensions within Pakistan. While the operation aims to eradicate terrorism, its focus on Pashtun areas risks reinforcing harmful stereotypes and overlooking the broader ethnic diversity of militant groups. A more equitable approach, recognizing the involvement of non-Pashtun militants and addressing the root causes of militancy across all regions, is crucial for fostering national unity and effectively combating terrorism. Only through such an inclusive strategy can Pakistan hope to achieve lasting peace and stability.

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Huawei Harmony aims to end China’s reliance on Windows and Android

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While Chinese tech giant Huawei’s recent smartphone launches have been closely watched for signs of progress in China’s chip supply chain, the company has also developed expertise in sectors vital to Beijing’s vision of technological self-sufficiency, from operating systems to car software.

Chinese President Xi Jinping told the CPC Politburo last year that China must fight hard to localise operating systems and other technologies “as soon as possible” as the US restricts exports of advanced chips and other components.

OpenHarmony, developed by Huawei, is widely promoted in China as the “national operating system”.

“This strategic move is likely to erode the market share of Western operating systems such as Android and Windows in China as local products gain traction,” Sunny Cheung, an associate fellow at the Jamestown Foundation, a US defence policy group, told Reuters.

In the first quarter of 2024, Huawei’s own version of the HarmonyOS operating system overtook Apple’s iOS to become the second best-selling mobile operating system in China after Android, according to research firm Counterpoint. It has not yet been released on smartphones outside China.

“Harmony has created a strong core operating system for the future of China’s devices,” Richard Yu, president of Huawei’s consumer business group, said at the opening of a developer conference last week.

Self-sufficiency

Huawei first introduced Harmony in August 2019, three months after Washington imposed trade restrictions over alleged security concerns. Huawei denies that its equipment poses a risk.

Since then, China has stepped up its self-sufficiency efforts, pulling out of the main code-sharing centre Github and supporting a local version, Gitee.

China banned the use of Windows on government computers in 2014 and now uses mostly Linux-based operating systems.

Microsoft derives only 1.5 per cent of its revenue from China, its chief executive said this month.

Originally built on an open-source Android system, Huawei this year released the first “pure” version of HarmonyOS, which no longer supports Android-based apps, further separating China’s app ecosystem from the rest of the world.

Huawei said in its 2023 annual report that OpenHarmony was the fastest-growing open source operating system for smart devices last year, with more than 70 organisations contributing to it and more than 460 hardware and software products produced in the financial, education, aerospace and industrial sectors.

Visited by Reuters, Charlie Cheng, deputy director of the Harmony Ecosystem Innovation Centre, said the aim of making it open-source was to replicate Android’s success in eliminating licensing costs for users and provide companies with a customisable springboard for their own products.

“Harmony will definitely become a mainstream operating system and give the world a new choice of operating systems besides iOS and Android,” he said.

Google, Apple and Microsoft did not respond to requests for comment.

China’s previous efforts to build large open source projects have struggled to gain traction among developers, but Huawei’s growing smartphone market share and extra work to develop a broader ecosystem gives Harmony an edge, analysts said.

Huawei’s Yu said this month that more than 900 million devices, including smartphones, watches and car systems, were running HarmonyOS and that 2.4 million developers were coding in the ecosystem.

“OpenHarmony will need more time and iterations for these developers to feel more confident about working with OpenHarmony,” Emma Xu, an analyst at research firm Canalys, told Reuters, adding: “But the reputation, behaviour and trust that HarmonyOS has achieved will certainly have a positive impact.”

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